Speeches And Writings Of Dadabhai Naoroji

SPEECHES AND WRITINGS

OF

PADABHAI NAOROJl

SECOND PplTION

Price Rg, Three
G. A. NATSSAN & CO,
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PUBLISHERS’ NOTE

Tina IS the hist attempt to bung undei one covei an
e’diaustive and oompiehensive oolleetion of the speeches
ind wutmgs of the venerable Indian patiiot, Dadabhai
Naoio]i The fiist part is a collection of his speeches
and includes the addiesses that ho delivered bofoie
the Indian National Gongiess on the three occasions
that he presided ovei that assembly , all the speeches
that he delivered m the House of Oommons and a selec-
tion of the speeches that ho deliveied from time to time
in England and India The second pait includes all
Ilia statements to the Welby Commission, a numbei of
papeis lelatmg to the admission of Indians to the Services
and many othei vital questions of Indian admmistiatioii
The Appendix contains, among obheis, tho full text of
Ins evidence betoie the "Welby Commission, his state-
ment to the Indian Guiiency Oomuubtee of 1898, his
leplies to the questions pub to him by the Public Saivice
Commission, and his statement to the Select Committee
on East Indian Einance Dadalrhai was in the active
service of his Motheiland foi ovei sixty yeais and duiing
this long peiiod he was steadily and strenuously working
for the good of his countiymeii , it is hoped that his
wiitings and speeches winch are now piesented in a
handy volume will be welcomed by thousands of his
adnnimg countiymen

' CONTENTS

PART I • SPEECHES

PAGE

Congiess Speeches

Second Congress — Calcutta — 1886 1

Ninth Congiess — Lahoie — 1893 20

Twenty-Second Congiess— Calcutta— 1906 65

' Appointment of a Royal Commission 101

Reform of Legislative Councils 104

Simultaneous Examinations . Ill

Speeches m the House of Commons

Maiden Speech 121

An Inquiry into the Condition of India 124

, England and India - - , 150

India and Lancashiie 165

IViliscellaneous Speeches and Addresses

Retiiement of Loid Ripon 168

The Fawcett Memoiial Meeting 172

India's Inteiest in the Geneial Election (1886) 176

India and the Opium Question 192

Addiess to the Eleotois of Holboin 199

The Indian Civil Seivice 209

Great Reception Meeting m Bombay 215

Indian Famine Relief Fund Meeting 219

The Condition of India 226

The Cause and Cuie of Famine ^4

British Democracy and India 248

India Undei British Rule 253

The Indian National Congiess 257

England’s Pledges to India 266

The Legacy of Lord Cuizon’s Regime . 274

PART II . WRITINGS

PA 'IE

Admmi&tiation and Management of

Indian E\pendituie , 281

The AppojLtionment of Ghaige between the
United Kingdom and of India J30

The Eight Eelations between Butain and India 360
The Causes of Discontent 3g0

Admission of Natives to the Covenanted
Ci\il Seivice 401

Indians in the Indian 0ml Seiviee 180

The Euiopeau and Asiatic Eaces 535

Sii M E Giant Dufi on India 572

E\penses of the Abyssinian Wai 625

My SOI e G‘j<)

The Eeai of Eussian Invasion . (358

The Indian Tubute 665

Message to the Benaies Congiess 669

Dadabhai’s Biithday Messages 673

APPENDICES

A Evidence befoie the Welby Commission 1

B Statement to the Cuiienoy Committee of 1898 101
C Eeplies to the Public Seivice Commission 146

D Statement to the Select Committee on Bast

India Einanca, 1871 163

E Eepoit of the Indian Eamine Commission,

1880 208

FAITH IN BRITISH FAIR PLAY AND
JUSTICE

Ozt) fate and ou) future are in oui ottn hands If
we.are true to ourselves and tooui counUy and make all
the necessa) y saonfices for our elevation and amelioration,
I, foi one, have not the shadow of a doubt that in
deahncj with such justice loving, fair -minded jreople as
the Bntish, luemaxjiest fully assured that toe shall not
work in vain It is this conviction ivhich has supported
me against all difficulties I have never faltered tnrny
faith in the British character and have ahvays believed
that the time ivili come when the sentiments of the
British Nation and our Gracious Sovereign proclaimed:
to us in our Great Charter of the Froolamation of 1S5S
rvill be realised, (applause), viz, “In their prosperity
will be our strength, in then eoritentriient our bestreroard "
And let us join in the jjrayer that folloivid this hopeful
declaration of our Sovereign “ Marj the God of all- pouer
grant to us and to those m authority under us strength to
carryout these our ivishes for the good of our people —
From the Presidential Address to the Lahore Congress
1893

DADABHArS EXHORTATION

Mij hit pi aye) ami exhortation to the Congress and to
all my comtiymen is — Go on united and earnest, in
ooncord and haimony, with moderation, with loyalty to
the British Bale and patriotism towards our oountiy, and
success is sure to attend our efforts for our just demands,
and the day, I hope, is not distant when the world luill
see the noblest spectacle of a great nation like the British
holding out the hand of true felloio-eitizcnship and of
justice to the vast mass of humanity of this great and
ancient land of India with benefits and blessings to the
human race {loud and prolonged cheering), — From the
Presidential iddress to the Lahore Congress, 1803

SPEECHES OF DilDABHM HAOROJI.

Second Cong) ess — Calcutta — 1S86
PEBSIDENTIAL ADDEESS

INTRODtrOTION.

I need not. tell you how sincerely thankful I am to you
foi placing me in this position of honour T at first
thought that I Was to be elevated to this proud position as
a return for what might be considered as a oomphment
paid by us to Bengal, when Mr Bonnerjee was elected
President of the first Congress last year at Bombay, I can
assure you, howevei, that that election was no mere compli-
ment to Bengal, but arose out of the simple fact that we
regarded Mr Bonnerjee as a gentleman eminently qualified
to take the place of President, and we installed him in that
position, in all sincerity, as the proper man in the proper
place. I now see, however, that this election of my
humble self is not intended as a return of compliment, but
that, as both pioposer and seconder have said, you have
been kind euough to select me, because I am supposed to
he really qualified to undertake the task I hope it may
prove so and that I may be found really woithy of all the
kind things said of me ; but whether this be so, or not,
when such kind things are said by those who occujiy such
high positions amongst us, I must say I feel exceedmgly
proud and am very grateful to all for the honour thus done
me. {Loud che&i mg )

Your late Ohaii man has heartily welcomed all the
delegates who come from different parts of India, and with

SPEECHES

DADABHAI NAOKOJI.

the same heartiness I return to him and all oui Bengal
friends, on my own behalf and on that of all the delegates
fiom other Piovinces, the most ainceie thanks for the
coidial manner in which we have been received Prom
what has been done already and from what is in store foi
us dming our shoit stay heie, I have no doubt we shall
cany away with us many and most pleasant leminiscences
of our visit to Calcutta {Gheeos )

^ Tou will paidon me, and I beg yom indulgence when
[ say that, when I was asked only two days ago to become
(,your Piesident and to give an inaugural address, it was
with no small t repidat ion that I agreed to undertake the
task , and I hope that you will extend to me all that
indulgence which my shortcomings may need, {Loud cheers.)

IMPORTANCE OP THE CONGRESS

The assemblage of such a Congress is an event of the
utmost importance m Indian Histoo y I ask whether in the
most gloiious days of Hindu lule, in the days of Rajahs
like the great Vikiam, you could imagine the possibility of
a meeting of this kind, whether even Hindus of all different
provinces of the kingdom could have collected and spoken
es one nation Coming down to the later Empire of our
friends, the Mahomedans, who probably ruled over a larger
teriitoiy at one time than any Hindu monarch, would it
have been, even in the days of the gieat Akbar himself,
possible foi a meeting hke this to assemble composed of all
classes and communities, all speaking one language, and all
having uniform and high aspirations of their own.

advantages of BRITISH RULE.

Well, then, what IB it for which we are now met on
this occasion ? We have assembled to consider questions
upon which depend onr future, whether glorious or in-
glorious, It IS our good fortune that we are under a lule

OONGEESS PRGSIDENTIAIi ADDRESS, CALCCTTA, 1886 3

,

which makes it possible for us to meet la this manner.
'{Cheers )

It IS under the civilizing rule of the Queen and people
■of England that we meet here together, hindered by none,
and ai e freely allowed to speak our minds ■without the
least fear and without the least hesitation. Such a thing
IS possible under Bntish rule and British rule only {Loud
Gheei's ) Than I put the question plainly Is this Congress
a nursery for sedition and rebellion against the British
'Government (buss of “No, no"), or is it another stone in the
foundation of the stability of that government ? {Cries of
“Yea, yes ”) There could be but one answer, and that you
have already given, because we aie thoroughly sensible of
the numberless blessings conferred upon us, of winch the
very existence of this Congress is a proof in a nutshell
{Cheers ) Were it not for these blessings of British i ule,

I could not have come here, as I have done, without th e
least hesitation-ond without the leastjearjhat my cAildren
might be i obbed'and killed m my absence , nor could you
hai^e come from eveiy coiimr of the land having jjerfomjed, V
within a few days^yoiirneys^ which in -former days would
have occupied as many months {Cheeis) These simple
facts bring home to all of us at once some of those great
and numbeiless blessing-, which British lule has conferred
upon us Blit there remain even greater blessings for
which we have to be grateful It is to British ru^_ that
we owe the education we possess’r the ■^ople'of England
weie sincere in the declarations 'made more than half" a
century ago that India was a sacred charge enti listed to
then caie by Providence, and that they weie bound to
administer it for the good of India, to the glory of their
own name, and the satisfaction of God {Prolonged

SPEECHES OP DADABHAI NAOKOJI

ings as flowing from British, rule, — and I could descant
on them for hours, because it would simply be lecounting
to you the histoiy of the Biitish Empire in India — is it
possible that an assembly like this, every one of whose
memheis is fully impressed with the knowledge of these
blessings, could meet for any purpose mimical to that rule
to which we owe so much * (Cheers )

BELATION BETWEEN OUESELVES AND CUE EULERS

The thing is absurd Let us speak out like men and
proclaim that we are loyal to the backbone (cheei a) , that
we understand the benefits English rule has conferred
upon us , that we thoroughly appreciate the education th it
has been given to us, (toe new light which has been poured-
upon us, turning us from darkness into light and teaching
us the new lesson that kings are made for the people, not
peoples for their kings , and this new lesson we have
learned amidst the darkness of Asiatic despotism only by
the light of fiee English emlizatio^ (Loud cheers ) But
the question is, do the Government behave us 2 Do they
behove that we aie really loyal to them , that we do tiuly
appreciate and lely on British rule , that we veritably
desire its permanent continuance , that our reason is satis-
fied and out sentimental feelings giatified as well as our
self-iqteiest * It would be a great gratification to us if we
could see, in the inauguration of a great movement like
this Oongiess, that what we do leally mean and desire is
thoroughly and truly so understood by our ruleis I have
the good fortune to be able to place before you testimony
which cannot be questioned, fiom which you will see that
some at least of the most distinguished of our rulers do
believe that what we say is sincere , and that(_w6 do not
want to subveit Biitish rule , that our outspoken utteran-
ces are as much foi their good as for our goo^ They do

CONGEESS PEESIDBUTIAL ADDHESS, CALCUTTA, 1886 6

believe, as Loid Eipon saiil, that (what is good for
India IS good for Englani^ I will give you first the testi-
mony as regards the educated classes which was given 25
years ago by Sir Bartle Freie He possessed an intimate
knowledge of the people of this country, and with legatd
to the educated portion of them, he gave this testimony
He said, ‘And now wherever I go 1 find the best exponents
of the policy of,, the English Government, and the most
able co-adjutors in adjusting that policy to the peculiarities
of the natives of India, among the ranks of the educated
natives ’ Tins much at least is testimony to our sincerity,
and singly corroborates oui assertion that we, the educat-
ed classes, have become the true inteipreters and mediators
between the masses of our countrymen and our luleis I
shall now place before you the declaration of the Govern-
ment of India itself, that they have confidence in the
loyalty of the whole people, and do appreciate the senti-
ments of the educated classes in particular I will read
thou very woids They say in a despatch addressed to the
Seoietaiy of State {8th June, 1880), ‘ But the people of
India accept British rule without any need foi appeal to
aims, because we keep the peace and do justice, because
we have done and aie doing much material good to the
coiintiy and the people, and because there is not inside or
outside India any power that can adequately occupy our
place ’ Then they distinctly undeistand that we do believe
the Butish power to be the only power that can, under
existing cucumstanees, leally keep the peace and advance
oiii futuie progress This ls testimony as to the feeling
of the whole people But of the educated classes, this
despatch says, ‘ To the minds of at least the e/iucated
among the people of India — and the number is rapidly
'ineieaaing — any idea of the aubveision of British power

SPEECHES OP DADABHAI NAOEOJI

IS ablioiient, from the consciousness that it must lesulb in
the ^ildest anaichy and confusion ’ {Loud cheei s )

NjN'^e can, therefoie, proceed with the utmost serenitj
and with every confidence that our lulers do undei stand
us , that they do understand oui motives and gi\6 eiedit
to oui expiessions of loyalty, and we need not in the least
care foi any impeachment of [disloyalty or any chaige of
harbouring wild ideas of subverting the Biitish powei that
may be put forth by ignorant, irresponsible oi ill-disposed
individuals or cliques^) {Loud aheeis ) We can, theiefoie,
quietly, calmly and, with entiie confidence in oui lulers,
speak as fieely as we please, but of couise in that spirit of
fairness and moderation, which becomes wise and honest
men, and in the tone which eveij gentleman, eveiy reason-
able being, would adopt when urging his rulers to make
some concession {Hear, lum ) Now although, as I
We said, the British Government have done much, very
much for us, there is still [a great deal more to be done if
their noble work is to be fitly completed They say this
themselves , they show a desire to do what more may be
required, and it is for us to ask for whatsoever, aftei due
deliberation, we think that we ought to have {Olmers )
THE JUBILEE OP OUB QOEEN-EMPHESS
Therefore, having said thus much and having cleared
the ground so that we may pioceed freely and in all con-
fidence with the work of our Congress, I must at once
come tothe matter with which I should have commenced,
had I not puiposely postponed it, until I had explained the’
relations between ourselves and our lulers , and that is the
most happy and auspicious occasion which the commmg
yearis^to bring us, viz, the Jubilee of our good Queen-
Empress’s leign {Loud cheers) I am exceedingly glad
that the Congress has thought it right to select this, as the

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUl'i’A, 1886 T

subject of the initial resolution, and in this to express, in
humble but hearty terms, then congiatulations to our
Gracious Empress (GAeejs) Theie is even more reason
for us to congratulate ourselves on having for half a century
enjoyed the rule of a Sovereign, graced with every virtue,
and truly worthy to reign over that vast Empire on which
the sun nevei sets {Loud dhoers ) That she may live long,
honoured and beloved, to continue foi yet many years that
beneficial and enlightened rule with which she has so long
leigned, must be the heait-felt piayer of every soul in
India {Pt olonged cheering )

“ And here you must pirdon me if I digress a moment
flora those subjects which this Oongress proposes to discuss
to one of those which we do not consider to fall within the
legitimate sphere of its dehbeiations

CONGRESS AND SOCIAL REFORM.

(_It has been asset ted that this Oongiess ought to take
up questions of social refoimVc/ieeis and eiies of “Yes, yes")
and our failuie to do this has been urged as a lepioaoh
against us Certainly no member of this National Con-
gress IS more alive to the necessity of social reforms than
I am , but, gentlemen, for everything theie aie proper
times, propel ciicumstances, pioper parties and proper
places {eheeis) , we are met together as a political body to
represent to our luleis oui political aspirations, not to
discuss social reforms, and if you blame us foi ignoring
these, you should equally blame the House of Commons
for not discussing the abstruser problems on mathematics
or metaphysics But, besides this, there are here Hindus
of every caste, amongst whom, even in the same province,
customs and social anangements difler widely, — there are
Mahomedans and Christians of various denominations,
Parsees, Sikhs, Biahmos and what not — men indeed of

SPEECHES OF DAnABHAI NAOKOJI,

each and all of those numerous classes which constitute in
the aggregate the people of India {Loud cheeis.) How
can this gathering of all classes discuss the social leforms
needed in each individual class * What do any of us know
of the internal home life, of the customs, traditions, feel-
ings, pre 3 udices of any class but our own ^ How could a
gathering, a cosmopolitan gatheiing like this, discuss to
any purpose the reforms needed in any one class 2 Only
the membais of that class can effectively deal with the
reforms therein needed. A National Oongiess must
confine itself to questions in which the entiie nation has a
diiect pal ticipation, and it must leave the adjustment of
social leforms and other class questions to class Con-
gresses Bub it does nob follow that because this national,
political body does not presume to discuss social reforms,
the delegates here pre.sent are not just as deeply, nay in
many ci‘-na fai more deeply, interested in these questions
than in those political questions we do discuss, or that
those several communities whom those delegates represent
aie not doing their utmost to solve those complicated pro-
blems on which hinge the practical introduction of those
reforms Any man who has eyes and ears open must know
what struggles towards higher and better things are going
on in every community, and it could not be otherwise
with the noble education we are receiving. Once you begin
to think about your own actions, your duties and res-
/ponsibihties to yourself, your neighbours and your nation,
you cannot avoid looking round and observing much
that IB wrong amongst you , and we know, as a fact, that
each community is now doing its best according to its
hghts, and the progiess that it has made in education I
need not, I think, paiticulanse The Mahomedans know
what IB being clone by persons of then community to pu^

c6N0KB&S PBESIDEOTIAI. address, CALCUTTA, 1886. 9

on the education their brethien so much need , the Hindus
are everywhere doing what they can to reform those social
institutions which they think require improvement There
IS not one single community heie lepiesented of which the
best and ablest men do not feel that much has to be done
to improve the social, moral, religious status of their hi 6”
thren, and in which, as .a fact, they are not striving to
effect, gradually, those needful improvements, but these are
essentially matteis too delicate for a stranger’s handling -
matters which must be left to the guidance of those who
alone fully understand them in all their beaiings, and
which are wholly unsuited to discussion in an assemblage
like this in which all classes are intermingled {Loud
cheers )

TRUST IN ENGLAND

I shall now refer briefly to the work of the former
Congress Since it met last year, about this time, some
progress, I am glad to say, has been made, and that is an
encouragement and a pi oof that, if we do really ask what
IS right and reasonable, we may be suie that, sooner or
later, the Riitish Government will actually give what we
ask foi We should, therefore, perse/eie hsiving confidence
in the conscience of England and lesting assuied that the
English nation will grudge no sacrifice to prove the sin-j
cerity of thsir desire to do whatevei is just and right |
{Ghee>s)

ROYAL COMMISSION

(Pui first lequest at the last Congress was for thd-
constitution of a Eoyal Oommissio\ Unfortunately, the
authorities in England have not seen then way to grant a
Eoyal Commission They say it will upset the authorities
here , that it will inteifere with the prestige and control
of the Government here I think that this is a very pool

10

DADABHAI HAOROJI

compliment to our ruleis on this side If I understand a
man like Loid Duflerin, of such vast eiperience in
administiation, knowing, as he does, what is to lule an
Empire, it would be impossible foi him to be daunted and
frightened by a Commission making enquiries here I
think this aigument a very pool one, and we must once
moi e say that to the inhabitants of India a Parliamentary
Committee taking evidence m England alone can nevei be
satisfactoiy, for the simple leason that what the Committee
■will learn by the ear will never enable them to undei stand
what they ought to see with their eyes, if they are to
realize what the evidence of the witnesses really means.
Still, howevei, it is so fai satisfactory that, notwithstand-
ing the change of government and the vicissitudes which
this poor Parliamentary Committee has undergone, it is
the intention of Parliament that undei any and all
cnoumstanees a Committee shall be appointed At the
same time, this Committee %n fntw) e ties the hands of the
authoiities heie to a large extent and prevents us fiom
saying all we do really want

LEGISLATIVE COUNCILS FoA N --W PROVINCES AND PUNJAB J

Another resolution on which we must repoit some
progress was to the eftect that the N -W Provinces and
the Punjab ought also to have Legislative Councils of their
own We know that the Government has just given a
Legislative Council to the N -W Piovinces, and we hope
that this progress may extend further aud satisfy our
wishes as to other provinces also.

THE PUBLIC SERVIOL COMMISSION

The fourth resolution had regard to the Service ques-
tion. In this matter, we leally seem to have made some
distinct progress The Public Service Commission is now

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1886. 11'

Sitting, and if one thing more than another can prove that l
the Government is sincere in its desire to do something i
for us, the appointment of such a jOommission is that
^ing You perhaps remember the words which our noble
Yiceroy used at Poona He said

However, I will say that, from flist to last, 1 have been a
ationg advooate for the appointment of a Committee or Com-
mission of this sort, and that when auoeeeding Governments in
England changed, I have on each oooasion warmly impiessed upon
the Secretary of State theneaessity of persevering in the nomina-
tion of a Commission I am happy to think that, in response to
my earnest representations on the snbjeot, Hei Majesty’s present
Ministeis have determined to take aotion I consequently, do
not really see what more duiing the shoit petiod X have bean
amongst you, the Government of India could have dune for that
most important and burning question, which was peipetually
agitating your mind and was being put forward by the natives, as
an alleged lojustioe done to the educated native classes of this
oountiy, in not allowing them adequate employment in the Public
Sarviee I do not think you can point out to me any other question
which so occupied public attention or was nearer to the hearts of
vom people Now the door to inquiry has been opened, and it onlv
remains tor you, by the force of logio of your representations and of
the evidence you may be able to submit, to make good your ease, if
you succeed in doing so, all I can say is, that nobody will be better
pleased than myself In regard to other matters, which have been
equally prominent in your newspapers and youi ,addre8ses, and
which have been so constantly discussed bv lour aaeoeiations, I
have also done my best to secure tor you an ample investigation^
LORD DUFEERIN AND THE PUBLIC .SERVICE COMMISSION
There we have his own lyords as to his intentions and
the efioits he made to get this "Commission This should
convince us of his good faith and sympathy with us When
I think of Lord Duffeiin, not only as our piesent Wceroj .
but bearing in mind all we know of him in his past oareei,
1 should hesitate to believe that he could be a man
devoid of the deepest sympathy with any people stiuggling
to advance and improve their political ^condition. Some
of you may remembei one oi two extracts, which I gave m
my Holbern Town Hall speech from Lord Dufleiin's letters
to the Times, and I cannot conceive that a person of such

'12 SPEECHES OP DADABHAI NAOEOJI

warm sympathies could fail to sympathise with us But
I may say this much that, feeling j^as I naturally do some
interest about the views and intentions of our Viceio^s
and Governors, I had the oppoitunity of getting some
information from friends on whom I can rely and who are
in a position to know the tiuth, and I am able[to say in the
words of one of these fnends that ‘ the Viceroy s instincts
are eminently liberal, and he regards with neither jealousy
nor alarm the desire of the educated classes to be allowed
a larger share in the administration of their own affairs
Indeed, he considers it veiy creditable to them that they
should do so ’ As Viceioy, he has to consider all sides of
a question fiom the ruler’s point of view, and to act as he
thinks safe and pioper. But we may be sure that we have
his deep and veiy genuine sympathy, and we may fairly
claim and expect much good at his hands

HO'UE AUTHOBITlES AND PUBLIC SERVICE COMMISSION
But yet further 1 would enquire whether the inten-
tions of the Secretary of State for India and of the other
home authorities are equally favourable to our claims The
resolution on its very face tells us what the intention of
the Secietaiy of State is It says, ‘In legard to its object,
the Commission would, bioadly speaking, be required to
devise a scheme which may reasonably be hoped to possess
the necessary elements of finality, and to do full justice to
the claims of natives of India to a higher and moie exten-
sive employment in the Public Service '

There we have the highest authority making a declar-
ation that the desires to do full justice to the claims of
the natives of India How, our only leply is that we are
thankful for the enquiry, and we hope that we may be
able to satisfy all, that what we ask is both reasonable and
right

OONGBES& rBESIDENTIAI. ADDRESS, CALOCOTA, 1886 13

INTENl'ION OE OUR EULERS

As another proof of the intentions of our British
inleisas far back as 53 years] ago, when the natives of
India did not themselves fully understand their rights, the
statesmen of England, of their own free will, decided what
the policy of England ought to be towards India. Long
and impoitant was the debate , the question was discussed
from all points of view , the danger of giving pohtical
powei to the people, the insufficiency of their capacity and
othei considerations were all fully weighed, and the con-
clusion was come to, lu unmistakable and unambiguous
teims, that the policy of Biitish rule should be a policy of
justice {oheera), the policy of the advancement of one-sixth
of the human lace {cheers) , ^ndia was to be legarded as a
trust placed by God in their hands, and in the due dis-|
charge of that tiust, they resolved that they would follow
the ‘ plain ^ h of duty,’ as Mr Macaulay called it , on
that occasion he^ said, "virtually, that he would rather see
the people of India free and able to govern themselves
than that they would remain the bondsmen of Gieat
Biitain and the obsequious toadies of British officials
{Gheets ) This was the essence of the policy of 1833, and
in the Act of that year it was laid down, ‘That no native
of the said territories, noi any natural-born subject of His
Majesty resident therein, shall, by reason only of his
religion, place of birth, descent, colour or any of them, bs
disabled from holding any place, office or employmenl
under the said Company ’ {Prolonged cheering.)'^

We do not, we could not, ask for more than this , anc
all we have to press upon the Commission and Governmem
is that they should now honestly grant us in practice hen
what Great Bi itain freely conceded to us 50 years ago

14

SPEECHES. OF DADABHAI NAOKOJI

when we oui selves were too little enlightened even to ask
for it {Loud dims )

BOYAL PBOOLAMATION

We next passed thiough a time of trouble, and the
Biitish arms weie triumphant When they had com-
pletely sui mounted all ^theii difficulties and completely
vanquished all their adversaries, the English nation came
forward, animated by the same high and noble resolves,
as before, and gave us that glorious Proclamation, which
we should for evei prue and leverence as our Magna
Oharta, greater even than the Ohartei of 1833 I need
not repeat that glorious Proclamation now, for it is en-
giaven on all your hearts cheeis ) , but it constitutes
such a gland and glorious charter of oui liberties that I
think every child, as it begins to gather intelligence and to
lisp its mothei -tongue, ought to be made to commit it to
memoiy {Clie&is) In that Proclamation, we ’have again
1 confirmation of the policy of 183.1 and something more
[n it are embodied the germs of all that we aim at now, of
ill that we can desire hereafter {Ghe&s ) (jVe have only
to go before the Government and the Oommission now sit-
ting and repeat it, and say that all we want is only what
bas alieady been gianted to us in set terms by that Piocla-
aaation, and that all we now ask for is that the great and
generous concessions therein made to us in words shall
ictuilly be made ours by deed^ {Loud cheets ) I will not,
loivever, entei into further details, for it is a subject on
vhich I should be led into speaking for hours, and even
ihen I should fail bo convey to you an adequate idea of all
hat IS in my heart I have said enough to show our
ulers that our case is complete and has been made out by
hemselves {Ohms) It is enough for me, therefore, to
itop at this point.

CONOEESS PEESIDBNTIAL ADDRESS, CAtODTTA, 1886 15

ENLAEGEMBNT OF LEGISLATIVE CODNCILS.

Another resolution is the improvement and enlarge-
ment of the Legislative Oouneils, and the introduction into
them of an elective element, but that is one on which my
predecessor in the chair has so ably descant^ that I do
not think I should take up more of your time with it. I
need only say that in this matter we hope to make a
further advance, and shall try to place before our lulers
what we consider a possible scheme for the intioduction of
an elective element into the Legislative Councils. I need
not say that if this repi esentation is introduced, the
greatest benefit will be conferred upon the Government
itself, because at present whatever Acts they pass that dc
not quite please us, we, whether rightly or wrongly,
giumble and grumble against the Government, and the
Government only ([t is true that we have some of oui
own people in Councils But we have no right to demand
any explanation, even from them , they are not oui
ropiesentatives, and the Government cannot relieve them'
selves from any dissatisfaction we may feel against ani
law we don’t hkej) If our own representatives make i
mistake and get a law passed, which we do not want, thi
Government, at any late, will escape the greater portion o
the consequent unpopulaiity. They will say — here ar
your own repeesentatives , we beheved that they lepresent
ed your wishes, and we passed the law On the other hand
with all the intelligence, all the supeiior knowledge of th
English officials, let them come as angel8 from heaven, it i
impossible for them to entei into the feelings of the peoph
and feel as they feel, and entei into their minds (Cheers
It is not any disparagement of them, but in the nature (
things it cannot be otherwise If you have, therefori

16

SPEECHES OP DADABHA.I NAOEOJI

then have an opportunity of getting something which is
congenial and satisfactoiy to yourself , and what will be
satisfactory to you must also be satisfactoiy to and good'
for the Government itself {Ghems )

^ EEPEESENTATION IW PARLIAMENT

This brings me also to the point of lepresentation in
Parliament All the most fundamental questions on which’
hinge the entire form and character of the administration
here aie decided by Parliament No matter what it is,
Legislative Councils oi the Sei vices, — nothing can be
reformed until Parhament moves and enacts modifications
of the existing Acts bsTot one single genuine Indian voice
is there in Parliament to tell at least what the native view
IS on any question') This was most foicibly urged upon me
by English gentlemen, who .aie in Paihament themselves ;
they said they always felt it to be a great defect in Parlia-
ment, that it did not contain one single genuine represent-
ative of the people of India

POYERTT OP INDIA

One oFthe questions which will be placed befpre this
Congress and will be discussed by them, is the deep sym-
pathy which this Congress feels for the poverty of the
people. It is often undeistood and thought that, when we
struggle for admission into the Services, it is simply to
gratify the aspirations of the few educated But if you
examine this question thoioughly, you will find that this
matter of the Public Services will go far to settle the prob-
lem of the poverty’ of the Indian people. One thing I
congiatulate myself upon I don’t trouble you with any
testimony about the poverty of India. You have the
testimony of Sir Evelyn Baring given only a couple of
years ago, who told us in plain terms that the people of
India were extremely poor, and also of the present Finance

CONGRESS, PEESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCDTIA, 1886. If

Minister who repeats those words But amongst the seve-
ral causes, which Rie at the bottom of om suflenngs, this
one and that the most luipoitmt cnuse, is beginning to be
realized by our rulers, and that is a step of the most hope-
ful and piomising kind the discussion about the

curiency, the Secretary of State foi India, m a letter to
the Treasury of the 26th January 1886, makes ceitain
remarks which show that our luleia now begin to undei-
stand and to try to grapple with the problem , and are not
ostrich-like, shutting their eyes to ifN^ I was laughed at
when I first mooted the question of the poverty of India,
and assigned as one of its causes the employment of ah
expensive foieign agency But now the highest authority
emphasizes this view The Secretary of State, in the '
letter just referied to, said —

The position of India in relation to taxation and the sources
of the pubho revenues is very peculiar, not merely from the habits
of the people and their strong aversion to change, whioh is more
specially exhibited towards new forms of taxation, but likewise
from the oharacter of the government, which is in the hands of
foreignei^, who hold all the prinoipal administrative offices, and
form so large a pact of the Army The impatience of new taxation
which would have to be borne, wholly as a consequence of the
foreign rule imposed on the country and virtually to meet additions
to oharges arising outside of the country would constitute a politi-
cal danger, the real magnitude of which, it is to be feared, is not
at all appreciated h) persons who have no knowledge of, or
oonoern in, the Government of India, but which those responsible
for that government have long regarded as of the most serious
Older

We may be sure that the public conscience of England
will ask why the natives of India, after a hundred years of

British rule, are so poor , ^nd as John Bull, in a cartoon
in Punch, is represented os doing, will wonder that India
IS a beggai when he thought she had a mint of money?)
India’s pabudous wealth.

Unfortunately, this idea of India’s wealth is utteily
delusive, and if a proper system of representation in the
2

18

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOEOJI

'Councils be conceded, our reptebentafcives will then be able
to make clear to these Councils and to our luleis those
causes which aie opeiating to undeimine our wealth and
prosperity, and guide the Government to the piopei reme-
dies for the gieatest of all evils— the poveity of the
masses All the benefits- we have deiived from British
rule", all the noble projects of our Biitish luleis, will go for
nothing if after all the country is to continue sinking
deepei and deeper into the abyss ot destitution At one
time, I was denounced as a pessimist , but now that we
have it on the authority of our rulers themselves that we
ate 1)65 !/ poor, it has become the right, afj well as the duty,
of this Congress to set forth its convictions, both as to this
widespread destitution and the primary steps needful foi
its alleviation. Nothing is more dear to the heart of
England — and I speak fiom actual knowledge — than
India’s welfare , and if we only speak out loud enough, and
persistently enough, to leacli that busy heait, vrs shall not
speak in vain ( Pi olonged cheei mg )

, CONCLUSION.

There will be several other questions bought before
the Congress at then committe meetings during the next
three days, and 1 am sure from the names of the delegates,
as far as I am informed, that they will prosecute their
dehbeiationa with all possible moderation I am sure that
they will fully [appieciate the benefits of the rule under
■which they live, while the fact that our rulers are willing
to di) whatever we can show them to be necessary for oui
welfare, should bo enough to encourage all in the work I
do not know that I need now detain you with any further
remarks You have now some idea of what progress has
been made in respect of the matters which were discussed
last year. I hope we may congratulate ourselves nest

CONGRESS, PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1886 19

year that we have made furthei progress in attaining the
objects alike of the past year’s resolutions and those we
may this year pass I, for one, am hopeful that, if we are
only true to oui selves, if we only Jo justice to ourselves,
and the noble education which has been given to us by our
rulers and speak fieely, with the freedom of speech which
has been granted to us, we may faiily expect our Govern-
ment to listen to us and to grant us our leasonable
demands {^Loud ohem s )

I will conclude this short address by repeating my
sincere thanks to all of you for having placed me in this
honourable position and by again returning thanks to our
Bengal brethien on behalf of all the delegates whom they
have so cordially welcomed here.

Ninth Congress — Lahwe — 1S9S
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS

INTmODTICTION

Ladies and Gentlemen, — I need not say how deeply I
feel the hononi you have done me by electing me a second
tune to prhfeide ovei your delibeiations I thank you
sincerely foi this honour In the perfoimance of the
onerous ddties of this high position, I shall need your great
indulgence and support, and I have no doubt that I shall
recen e them {Applause )

I am much pleased that I have the privilege of pi end-
ing at the very fiist Oongiess held in Punjab, as I had at
Calcutta m 1886 I have taken, as you may be awaie,
some inteiest in the material condition of Punjab In my
first lettei to the Secietary of State for India, in 1880, on
the material condition of India, I took Punjab foi my
illustration, and woiked out in detail its total annua!
income and the absolute wants of its common labouiei
As to the loyalty of the Punjabis — Hindus, Sikhs, or
Muhammadans — it has proved true through the most fieiy
ordeal on a most trying and cutical occasion {Applause )

The occasion of this Session of the Congress in Punjab
has been a most happy coincidence On Punjab rests a
double responsibility, one external and one internal If
ever that hated threatened invasion of the Russians
comes on, Punjab will have to bear ,the first brunt of the
battle, and contented under Biitish rule, as I hope India
will be, Punjab will fight to her last man in loyalty and
patriotism — loyalty to the British Power, and patriotism
to protect the healths and homes of her beloved country
of India {Loud applause )

OONGHESS PHESIDENTIAL ADDEESS, LAHORE, 1893 21

Punjab’s RESPONSiBiUTy m safeguaeding the empire
The internal responsibility which at pi esent rests upon
the Punjabis and other warrioi laces of India is this I
have always understood and believed that manliness was
associated with love of justice, generosity and intellect
So oui Biitish tutors have always taughc us and have
always claimed for themselves such charactei And I
cannot understand how any one could or should deny tt>
you and other manly races of India the same chaiacterietics
of human natuie But yet we aie gravely told that on
the contrary the manliness of these laces of India is
associated ivith meanness, nnpatiiotic selfishness, and in-
feriority of intellect, and that theiefoie like the dog m
the mangel, yon and the other waiiior races will be
mean enough to oppose the lesolution about Simultaneous
Examinations, and unpatriotic and selfish enough to pre-
vent the general pi ogress of all India {SJtame )

Cm offence and insult to a people, and that people
admitted to be a manly people, go any furthei ? Look at
the numbers of Punjibis studying in England Now this
happy coincidence of this meeting in Punjab you, eon-
sideiing eveiy son of India as an Indian and a compamot,
have invited me— not a Punjabi, not a Muhammadan, nor
a Sikh — from a distance of thousands of miles to enjoy the
honoui of piesiding ovei this Congress, and with this
gathering from all parts of India as the gu6-.ts of the
Punjabis,^ou conclusively once for all and forever, set the
matter at lest that the Pnnjabis with all othei Indians do
earnestly desire the Simultaneous Examinations as the
only method in which justice can he done to all the people
of India, as this Congress has repeatedly resolvei^ And
moreover, Punjab has the credit of holding the veiy fiist
public meeting in favoui of the Resolution passed by the

House of Commons for Simultaneous Examinations
{Cheers )

When I use the words English or British, I mean all
the peoples of the Hinted Kingdom

MSArn or justice telano.

It IS our melancholy duty to recoid the ‘loss of one of
our gieatest patriots, JJustice Kasinath Triinbak Telang,
It IS a heavy loss to India , you all know what a high
place he held in our estimation for his gieat ability, learn-
ing, 'eloquence, sound judgment, wise counsel and leader-
ship. I have known him and woiked with him foi many
yeais, and I have not known any one moie earnest and
devoted to the cause of our country’s welfaie He was one
of the most active foundeis of this Congress, ‘and was its
fiist hard-woiking Secretary in Bombay. From the very
tot he had taken a waim interest and active part in oui
work, and eien .after he became a Judge, his sound advice
was always at oiii disposal.

EECENT HIGHER APPOINTMENTS TO INDIANS

I am gUd Mr. Mahadev Govind Eanade is appointed
in his place. {Cheers ) It does much credit, indeed, to Lord'
Harris for the selection, and I am sure Mr. Eanade will
piove himself worthy of the post. I have known him
long, and his .ibihty and learning are well-known
{Applause ) His sound judgment and earnest work m
various ways ha\e done valuable services to the cause of
India {Ajyphaise)

I .am also much pleased that an Indian, Mr Piamada
Ohaian Banner ji, succeeds Mi. Justice Mahmud at AlLt-
habad {Cheers )

I feel thankful to the Local Goiernments and the
Indian Goi ernment foi such appointments, and to Loid
Kimberley foi his sanction of them among which I may

CONSRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893 23

include also the decision about the Sanskiit Ohair at
Madras. {Applause ) I feel the more thankful to Lord
Kimberley, for I am afiaid, and I hope I may be wrong,
that there has been a tendency of npt only not loyally
carrying out the lule about situations of Rs 200 and up-
wards to be given to Indians, but that even such posts as
have been already given to them ai e being snatched away
fiom their hands. Lord Kimberley’s firmness in not
allowing this is, therefore, so much the moie woithy of
praise and our thankfulness

Loid Kimbeiley also took prompt action to pievent
the retrograde step in connection with the Jury system in
Bengal for which Mi Paul and other fiiend.s mteiested
themselves in Pailiament , and also to pievent the letio-
grade inteiferenoe witli the Ohairmanship of Municipali-
ties at the instance of oui Biitish Committee in London
I do hope that in the same spiiit Loid Kimbeiley ivill con-
sider our lepresentations about the extension of the Jury
system,

A MESSAGE PROM CENTRAL PINSBDRl
Befoie proceeding furthei, letmepeifoim thegiatifj-
ing task of communicating to you a message of sympathy
and goodwill which I have brought foi you from Central
Finsbury {Loud applanse andi th) ee cheers fo) the electors
of Cent) al Finsbuiy) On learning that I had accepted
youi invitation to preside, the Council of the Central Fins-
bury United Libei il and Radical Association passed a
Resolution, which I have now the pleasure of placing
before you, signed by Mi Joseph Walton, the Chairman,
and forwarded to me by the Honorary Secretary, Mi. R.
M H Giiffith, one of my best friends and suppoiters

The Contial Fioubury United Liberal and Badioal Aaaooiation,
in view of Mr Naoroji’s visit to India at the end of November
next, have passed the following Resolntion —

24

SPEECHES OP DADABHAI STAOBOJI

"1 That the Qeijeral Counoil of the Central Finsbury United
Liberal and Badioal Asaoeiatton desue to record their high appie-
oiation of the admirable and most exemplaiy manner in which Mr
Dadabhai Naoroji has performed his duties as representative of
this oonatituenoy in the House of Commons and leaining that he
IS, in the eouise of a few months, to visit India to pieaide over the
Ninth Session of the Indian National Congiess, lequest him to
eommunioate to that body an expiession of their full sympathy
alike with all the efforts ot that Congress for the welfare of India,
and with the Resolution which has been recently passed by the
House of Commons (m the adoption of whioh Mr. Dadabhai Nao-
ro]i has been so largely instrumental) in favoiu ot holding Simul-
taneous Examinations in India and in Britain of candidates for all
the Indian Civil Services, and further express the earnest hope that
full effect will, as speedily as possible, be given by the Qoveuiment
to this measure ot justice which has been already too long delayed,
/App/auseJ

“2 That a copy o! this Resolution bo foi warded to Mr
Dadabhai Naotoji

“ (Signed) Joseph Walton,

0/iatrman of Mteting,"

The Resolution has been sent to Mr. Naoioji with an accom-
panying letter, which says —

“Central Pinsbuiy United Liberal and Radical Association,
20, St John Street Road, Cletkenwell,'

London, E.C

"Dear Sir, — I have been gdiroeted to forward to you the
•enclosed copy of Resolution passed at the last meeting of the
Council of this Association.

“ Joining in the hope ot my ootleagues that the result of our
efforts may be ot mateiial and lasting good and wishing you a
fruitful journey, with a speedy return to us, the constituents
you so worthily represent in Parliament,

“I am, yours faithfully,

“ R* M H Grippiths,

Bonoiniy beoetaiy

“ The Honourable Dadabhai Naoroji, M P ,

House of Commons, Westminstei,

August 1S9S,”

ANGLO-INDIAN TTEWS ON THE EDUCATED NATIVES

The fact is, and it stands to reason, that the thinking
poition and the educated, whether in English or m their
own learning, of all classes and cieeds, in then common
nationality as Indians, are naturally becoming the leaders
of the people. Those Indians, specially, 'who have

CONGEE&S PRESIDENTIAl ADDKt&S, LAHOEB, 189S 25

received a good English education, have the double ad-
vantage of knowing their own countrymen as well as.
iinderstxnding and appieeiating the merits of British men
and British rule, with the result, as Sir Bartle Frere has
well put it “And now wherevei I go I find the best ex-
ponents of the policy of the English Government, and the
most able co-adjutois in adjusting that policy to the pecu-
diaiities of the natives of India, among the ranks of the
educated natives ” {A2}j}laitse )

Or as the Government of India has said, “ To the
minds of at least the educated among the (people of India
— and the number is 'lapidly iiicieasing — any idea of the
subversion of the British power is ibhorrent ” {Heai
hem ) Government of India’s despatch, dated 8th June
1880, to Secretary of State for India

And as Loid Dufieiin, as Viceroj of India, has said m
his Jubilee Speech, “ We are surrounded on all sides by
native gentlemen of gieat attainments and ^intelligence,
fiom whose hearty, loyal and honest co-opeiation we may
hope to derive the greatest benefit ” (Applause )

It would be the height of univisdom, after ^themselves
creating this great new force, ‘ which is rapidly increas-
ing ” as “ the best exponents i and co-adjutois,” as “ ab-
horring the subieision of the British power,” and from
whose “ hearty, loyal and honest co-opeiation the greatest
benefit can arise,” that the luling authorities should drive
this foice into opposition instead of drawing it to their
own side ‘’fiy taking it into confidence and theieby
strengthening their ^own foundation This Congress re-
presents the Aristocracy of intellect and the new political
life, created by themselves, which is at present deeply
grateful to, its Cieator Common sense tells you — have it
with you, instead of against you

26 SPEECHES OP DADABHAI NAOROJI

SIIIULTANEOUS EXAMINATIONS IN ENGLAND AND INDIA

'With regaid to yom other most important Resolution,
to hold examinations simultaneously both in India and
England for all the Civil Sei vices, it would not have be-
come a piactical fact by the Resolution of the House of
Commons of 2nd June last, had it not been to a large
extent foi your peiseveiing but constitutional demand for
it made with moderation during all the yeais of yoiii
existence. {Applause^ I am glad that in the last Budget
debate the Hnder-Secietary of State foi India has given
us this assuiance —

“ It may be in the recollection of the House that, m
my official capacity, it whs my duty eailiei in the Session
to oppose a Resolution in favour of Simultaneous Exami-
nations, but the House of Commons thought difteiently
fiom the Government That once done, I need hardly
say that there is no disposition on the part of tho Secre-
tary of State foi India oi myself to attempt to thwart
or defeat the effect of the vote of the House of Commons
on that Resolution ” {tJear, hear and applame) Debates
Vol. Xm, 1893, yti 1835

We all cannot but feel thankful to the Secretaiy
of State, Loid Kunbeiley and the Under-Secretary
of State, Ml George Russell, foi this satisfactory
assui'aiice

I may yust remark here m passing that I am not able
to understand why the higher Cuul and Educational
Medical Services are handed ovei to Military Medical
Offieeis, instead of there being a sepaiate Civil Medical
Service, dealt with by Simultaneous Examinations in
India and England, as we expect to have foi the other
Civil Seivices i also may ask why some highei Civil
Engineering posts are given to Mihtaiy Engineers

CONGRE&S PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893 27

BRITISH INTEREST IN INDIAN AFFAIRS.

One thing more I may say Your eftorts have
succeeded not only m creating aninteiest in Indian afiairs,
but also a desire among the people of the United Kingdom
to promote our true v?elfare. {Emr, hew.) Had you
achieved in the course of the past eight years only this
much and no more, you would have amply justified youi
ei.i9tence (Chems) You ha^e proved two things — that
you are moderate and reasonable in what you ask, and that
the British people aie willing to grant what is shown to be
reasonable

It IS not necessniy for me to enlarge upon the subject
of your ju«tification fuither than this, that all the Eesolii-
tions you have formulated havemoie oi less advanced,
that they aie receiving attentive consideiation is testified
b> the continuous discussions that have been going on m
the Press and on the Platfoim both heie and in England
In England itself many a cause, great or small, has to
agitate long before making an impression What stiug-
gles have there been in Parliament itself and out of
Parliament for the Corn Laws, Slavery Laws, Factoiy
Laws, Parliamentary Reforms, and many otheis, in shoit^
in every important Legislation 2 We must keep courage,,
persevere, and “ nerer say die ” {Loud applause )

KEOEPTION TO DADABHAI NAOROJI IN BABLIAMBNT
One more result, though not the least, of jour
labours, I shall briefly touch upon The efiect which your
labours pioduced on the minds of the people of the United
Kingdom has helped laigelj an Indian to find his way
into the Great Imperial Pailiaraent, and in confirmation
of this, I need not go fuithei than remind you of the
generous action of Central Pinsbuiy and the words of the
Resolution of the Council of its United Libeial and

28

SPBECHKS OP DADABHAI UAOROJI

Badical A&&ociatioii which I have already placed oefoie
you, (A2}2)lause )

As you are all aware, though it was long my wibh,
my fiiend the Hon Mi. Lai Mohan Chose made the
liist attempt, and twice contested Deptfoid, with no little
oliancea of success, but adverse ciicumstances proved too
stiong for him We owe a debt of giatitudp to Dept-
foid, and also to Holboin, which gave me the first lift,
and in my contest there, though a foilorn hope, the
Liberal electois eseited their utmost, and gave me a very
satisfactory poll (Cheets)

My mind also turns to those good friends of Indii —
Bright, Fawcett, Biadlaugh and others, {applai<>se ) — who
pioneered foi us, piepaied foi the coming of this result,
and helped us when we weie helpless

This naturally would make you desiie and lead me to
say a few woids about the character of the reception
given to the Indian Member in the 'House of Commons
It was everything that could be desired (Oheeis.) The
welcome was general from all sides, as the interest in
Indian affairs has been much inoi easing, and there is a
desire to do justice to India {/ienewecl cheering ) Mr.
Cladstone on two occasions not only expressed his satis-
faction to me at finding an Indian in the House, but
expressed also a strong wisb to see several more^j

The attendance on Indian questions has been good,
and what is still bettei, themteiest in the Indian debates
has been earnest, and with a desire to uiideistand and
judge rightly India has, indeed, fated well this Session,
notwithstanding its othei unpiecedentedly heavy work

PARLIAUENTABY INTEREST IN INDIAN QUESTIONS

Thankful as we are to many Members of all sides, I
am bound to express our special thanks to the Irish,

OONGEESS PBBSIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893, 29

Labour and Eadical Members {Laud’ cheets) 1 heard
from Ml Davitt, two days before my departuie, “ Don’t
forget to tell your colleagues at the Congress that eveiy
one of Iieland’s Home Rule Membeis m Parliament is at
your back in the cause of the Indian People ” {Prolonged
cheet mg ) All our friends who had been working for
us before are not only as zealous and staunch as ever,
but rooie active and earnest 1 cannot do better than
to record in this place with thankfulness the names of
all those Members from all parties who voted foi the
Resolution of 2nd June last in favoui of Simultaneous
Examinations in England and India for all the Indian
Civil Services *

As the ballot fell to Mr Herbeit Paul, {thee Cheers
foi Mr Paul) he, as you aie awaie, moved the Resolu-
tion, and you know also how well and ably he advocated
the cause, and has ever since kept up a watchful inteiest
in and eye on it I may mention here that I had sent a
whip or notice to every Member of the House of Commons
for this debate

Motion made, and Question proposed, “ That Mr
Speaker do now leave the Chau ”

Amendment proposed, to leave out from the woid
“ That ” to the end of the Question, m order to add'
the words “ all open Competitive Examinations hereto-
fore held in England alone for appointments to the Civil
Sei vices of India shall henceforth be held simultaneously
both in India and England, such Examinations in both
countries being identical in their nature, and all who
compete being finally classified in one list according to
merit — {Mr Paul )

30

SPEECnES OP DADABHAI NAOHOJI

Question put, “ That the words proposed to be left
out stand part of the Question ” —

The House divided , Ayes 76, Noes 84
I may say here a few words about the pi ogress we are
making in our Pailiamentary position By the exertions
of Sir William Wedderburn, {applausti), Mr Came,
{appldmp), and other friends, an Indian Parliamentary
Oommittee has been foimed, of which Sir William
Wedderburn is the Chairman and Mr Herbert Roberts
IS the Secretary {Applause ) The Oommittee is not yet
fully formed It will, we hope, be a laiger General
Oommittee of our suppoiters with a small Executive
Committee, like other similai Committees that exist in
the House for other causes. I give the names of the
Membeis now fully enrolled in this Committee — Mr
Jacob Blight, Mr Came, Mr John E Ellis, Dr W A
Hunter, Mr Illingworth, Sir Wilfred Lawson, Mr Walter
B McLaren, Mr Swift MacNeiU, Mr. Dadabhn Naoroji,
Mr H Paul, Su Joseph Pease, Mr T H. Roberts, Mr.
R. T Reid, Mr. Samuel Smith, Mr C E Schwann, Mr
Eugene Wason, Mr Webb, Sii W Wedderburn

Besides these, theie are a large number of Membeis
(exclusive of the 70 or 80 lush Members already referred
to) whom we count as supporters, and hope to see fully
enrolled Membeis on oui Indian Parliamentary Commit-
tee before long.

On the eve of my departure, the Committee invited me
to a private dinner at the House, and gave me a hearty
Godspeed and wishes of success, with an expression of
their earnest desire to see justice done to India {Applause )
Before leaving this subject of Parliament, let me offer
to Mr George Russell, the Hnder-Secretary of State for
India, my smcere thanks for his sympathetic and cordial

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893 31

■fci'eatment of me m all I had to do with him, and for his
personal good feeling and kindness towai da me. {Applause.)

PDTDRE OF THE CONGRESS

With all that has been done by the Congress, we have
only begun oui woik We have yet much and very
much more woik to do till that political, moral and
material condition is attained by us which will raise us
leally to the level of our Biitish fellow-citizens in pros-
perity and political elevation, and thereby consolidate
the British power on the impeushable foundation of justice,
mutual benefit and the contentment and loyalty of the
people

The reason why I have dwelt upon oui past life is
that it shows that our future is promising and hopeful,
that our faith in the instinctive love of justice and fair
play of the people of the United Kingdom is not mis-
placed, and that if we aie true to ourselves and learn
from the British character the self-sacrifice and peisevei-
ance which the Biitish so laigely possess, we need never
despair of obtaining every justice and reform which we
may reasonably claim as oui birthright as British citizens
{Cheeks )

What then is to be oui future work We have yet
to surmount much prejudice, prepossessions, and mis-
apprehension of our tiue, material and political condition
But our course is clear and straight before us. On the
one hand, we need not despair or quariel with those who
are against us , we should, on the other hand, go on steadily,
peisevei'ingly and moderately with the representation of
our gi levances and just rights ,

REFORM OF LEGISLATIVE CODNOILS

In connection with the question of our Legislative
Uouncils we have yet very much work before us Not

32 fcPEJSCHES OP DADABHAI NAOHOJI

only are the present rules unsatisfactory even for the
fulfilment of the present Act itself as interpreted m the
House by Mi Gladstone, not only have we yet to obtain
the full “ living representation ” of the people of India
in these Councils, but also much further extension of
then present extremely restiicted powers which render
the Councils almost a mere name By the Act of 1861
(19), without the permission of the Governor-General, no
member can introduce any ineasuie (which virtually
amounts to exclusion) about matters affecting the public
debt or public revenues or foi imposing any charge on
such revenue, oi the discipline and maintenance of any
part of Her Majesty’s Military or Naval forces This
means that, as far as the spending of our money is con-
cerned, the Legislative Council is simply as if it did not
exist at all {Ones of '' Shame, shame") No motion can
be made by any membei unless such motion be for leave
to introduce some measure or have refeience to some
measure actually introduced thereunto Thus, there is no
opportumty of calhng any Depaitment oi Government to
account for their acts (Section 52 ) All things which shall
be done by the Secretary of State shdl have the same
force and validity as if this Act (1861) had not been
passed Here is full arbitrary power By the Act (1892,
Section 52), no member shall have power to submit or pio-
pose any resolution or to divide the Council in respect of
any such financial discussion, or the answer to any ques-
tion asked under the authority of this Act or the rules
made under this Act Such is the poor character of the
extent of concession made to discuss finances or to put
questions Rules made under this Act (1892) shall not be
subject to alteration or amendment at meetings foi the
purpose of making Laws and Regulations Also (Act 1861,

CONQREaS PRESIDEKTIAI. ADOBESa, LAHORE, 1893 37

Section 22) the Secretary of State for India can by an Act
of Parliament raise any mone\ in the United Kingdom foi
the Government ot India, and thus pda up any amount of
buiden on the Indian taxpayoi, without his having a word
to say upon it. We aie to all intents and purposes under
iin arbitiAiy rule, and aie just onl) abiut at the thresh-
old of a true Legislative Council

INDIAN BUDGET DEBATE

Amongst the most irapoitant work of the Councils is
the Budget What is the condition of the Budget debate
both here and in England 2 The House of Commons devotes
week after week for supply of the English Budget, when
every item ot expenditure is discussed oi may be altered ;
and not only that, but the conduc^ of the department
during the yeai is brought under review, which becomes an
important cheek to any arbitrary, unjust or illegal action.
But what 18 the Indian Budget debate or procedure * Here
the Financial Statement is made by the Finance Minister
Then a week or so aftei, a few speeches aie made to no
piactical effect, no practical motion or resolution, and the
whole thing is over ( Shame ) Somewhat similar is the
fate of the Indian Budget in the House of Commons, with
the advantage of proposing any amendments and, at least,
of having one amendment with practical effect of a divi-
sion, or vote But there is also the important advantage
ot bringing in any Indian measuie or motion in the course
of the Session in accordance with the rules and orders of
the House like any other measure or motion I felt
thankful that at the last Budget debate, though there
was the usual additional agony of the last day of the
Session, yet there was not also the agony of scanty
‘ attendance, thanks to the increasing interest in the House
in Indian matters and to the friends of India {Applause.)

3

SPEECHES OP DADABHAI NAOEOJI,

In both places no practical check on any waste, extiavagant
or unnecessary expenditiue I am not at present discuss-
ing the merits of such Councils and restiiction of powers,
bub that such matters will lequire your attention and con-
sideration, that even in this one matter of Legislative
'Councils you have yet to secure Mr Gladstone’s “ leal
living representative voice of the people” being heaid
'upon every detail of the Government of British India
{Seai\ hem )

UTDIAN EEPEESBNTATION IN PAELIAJIENT
There is, howevei, another impoitant matter — I mean
the^ direct repiesentation from India in the Imperial
Parliament {Applause ) As all oui Imperial questions
and relations betwee^ India and the United Kingdom,
all amendments of Pai liamentary Acts already passed and
existing, 01 all important Acts that may be and can be
only passed hereafter in Parliament, and all our ultimate
appeals can be settled in Pailiament alone, it is of extreme
impoitance that theie should be some reasonable direct
lepresentation from India in the House of Commons and
the representatives may be Indians oi Europeans as long
as they are the choice directly of Indian Constituencies,
just as you have delegates to this Congress of Indians or
Europeans

Oential Finsbmy has been generous to us , other
constituencies may also extend to us such generous con-
sideiation and help, but it is not fan that we should be
left to depend upon the generosity of English Consti-
tuencies {Bear, heat ) Under present cncumstances we
have a right to have direct representation. 1 hope the
time IS not very distant when we may successfully appeal
to Parliament to 'grant us the true status of British*
political citwenship {Cheers) J do not overlook that

C0NGBE8S PUBSIDENTIAL ADDBE9S, LAHOBE, 1893 36

aeveial matters will have to be considered, and I am not
at present placing befoie you a cut-and-dry scheme My
only object is to draw youi attention to this vital subject

POVEKTY OF INDIA

But the gieatest question before you, the question of
all questions, is the poverty of India {l/ea?, heat ) This
will be, I am much afraid, the gieat future trouble both
lof the Indian people and of the British Billers It is the
lock ahead In this mattei wo aie labouiing under one
great disadvantage This poverty we attribute to the
system, and not to the officials who administer that sys-^
tern ( Hear, heat and applause ) But unfortunately for^
us, for themselves and the Bntish people, the officials
{with clear-sighted exceptions of couise) make the msttei
personal, and do not considei impartially and with calm-
ness of judgment this all-impoitant subject The piesent
Duke of Devonshire has well put this state of the official
mind, which is peculiarly applicable in connection with
this subject He said, “ The Anglo-Indian, whatevei
may be his meiits, and no doubt they aie just, is not a
person who is distinguished by an exceptionally calm
judgment” — Speech, H of C , 23»d August, 1883.

Ml. Gladstone also lately, in the Opium debate, re-
marked — “ That it was a sad thing to say, but un-
questionably it happens not infrequently m human affairs,
that those who fiom then situation ought to know the
most and the best, yet fiom prejudice and piepossessions
knew the least and the worst ” {ffear, heai )

This has been our misfoi tune with officials But there
have been and aie some thoughtful officuals who know the
truth, li^ Loid Lawrence and otheis in the past, and in
the present times like the latest Finance Mmisteis, Lord
Oromer, Sir Auckland Colvin and Sir David Baibou",

36.

SPEEOHEH OF DADABHAI NAOKOJl

■who have perceived and stated the teriible tiuth that
British India ib extremely poor Among other official
several have testified to the sad fact, in “ Confidential
Beports,” which Government do not publish — and this
after a hundred years of the work of these officials undei
the piesent unnatural system The system being un-
natuifil, were the officials the very angels themselves, oi
as many Gladstones, they cannot prevent the e-vils of the
system and cannot do much good When Mr Bayley
and I moved for a Eoyal Commission ot Inquiiy, it was
said that I had not produced evidence of poverty, it was
not so , but it IS difficult to make those see who would /
^‘*hot see. {Lcmghtei and applause ) To eveiy mernbei of
the House I had pieviou.slj sent my papers of all neces-
sary evidence on the annual income and abbolute wants
of the people of India I do not know whethei any of
those who opposed us had taken the trouble to read this,
and it w.ih unfau to expect that in making out a pnma
facie case for oux motion, I should reiterate, with the
unnecessary waste of some hours of the piecious time of
the House, all the evidence already in their hands
POVERTY OF INDIA AND OFFIOIAL STATISTICS ,

You lemember my papers on the Poverty of India, and
I have asked for Returns to bring up information to date,
so that a fan compaiison of the present with the past ,
may enable the House to come to a correct judgment. I
am sorry the Government of India refuses to make a
return of a Note prepared so late as 1881 by Sir David
Baiboui, upon which the then Finance Minister (Lord
Oromai) based his statement in his speech in 1882 about
the extreme poverty of the mass of the people |>do not
see why the Government of India should refuse The
ifdte, I am told, is an important document. Government

OONQEESS PllESIBENTIAt ADDBE8S, lAnOBE, 1893, 37

'for its own sake should be ready to give it. In 1880,
the pieeent Duke of Devonshire, then Secietary of State
for India, readily gave me some statistics and mfotma-
■tion prepared by Mr F Danvers, though I did not know
of their existence This enabled me to point out some
errors and to explain some points which had been mis-
understood, Such information is extiemely necessary,
not meiely for the sake of the exceedingly poor masses
of the people, but for the very stability of the British
power itself

The question of the Poverty of India should be fully
laised, grappled with and settled The Government ought
to deal boldly and bioadly with it Let theie be a re-
turn in detail, coirectly calculated, made eveiy year of
the total annual income of all British India, pei head of
population, and of the requirements of a labourer to hve
in working health, and not as a starved beast of burden
Unless such complete and accurate infoimation is given
eveiy year in detail, it lb idle and useless to make mere
unfounded asseitions that India is pvospeiing.

It must also be remembered that Lord Oiomei's
annual aveiage of not more than Es 27 pei head is for
the whole population, including the rich and all classes,
and not what the gieat mass of the population can or do
actually get Out of the total annual income of British
India, all that poition must be deducted which belongs to
Euiopean Planteis, Manufactuierb, and Mine-owners,
and not to the people of British India, exiepting the poor
wages they leeeive, to giudgeto give away then own
country’s wealth, to the benefit of a foieign people An-
other portion IS enjoyed in and earned out from the
country on a fir larger share pei head by many who are
not the children of the soil— official and non-official.

38 SPEECHES OF DADAEHAI NAOHOJI.

Then the uppei and middle classes of the Indians them-
selves t leceive much moie than then aveiage shaie The
great mass of the pooi people, therefoie, have a much
lowei average than even the wi etched “ not more than
Es 27 ” pel head

You know that I had calculated the average of the
income as being Ea 20 pei head pei annum, and when
Loid Ciomei’s statement of Es 27 appeared, I requested
him to give me his calculations but he lefused However,
Es 20 01 “ not moiethan Es 27 ” — how wretched is the-
oondition of a oountiy of such income, after a hundred
yeais of the most costly administiation, andean such a
thing last ? (C)ies of “ No, no ”.)

It IS lemaikable that theie is no phase of the Indian
problem which clear-headed and fair-minded Anglo-
Indians have not already seen and indicated More than
a hundred years ago, in 1787, Sir John Shoie wrote these
lemaikable, fai -seeing, and prophetic words —

’Whatever allowance we may make for the increased indusjiry
of the sub],eota of the State, owing to the enhanced demand for
the produce of it (supposing the demand to be enhanced), there is
reason to conclude that the benefits are more than counter-
balanced by evils inseparable from tbe system of a remote foreign
dominion —Pail Ret 377 0/1812,

And these words of prophecy nie true to the present
day ^ I pass over what has been said by other Euiopean
officials at difterent times during the hundred years 1'
come to 1886, and heie is a curious and complete res-
ponse after a hundred years by the Secretary of State for
India In- a despatch (26th January, 1886) to the
Tieasur), he makes a significant admission about the
consequences of the chaiacter of the Government of the
foieign rule of Britain. He says —

The position of India in relation to taxation and the sources*
of the public revenues is very peculiar, not merely from the habits

OONGRBS& PRESIDENTIiL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893 39

of the people and their stiong aversion to change which is more
specially exhibited to new forma of taxation, but likewise from the
ohnraoter of the Government, wbioh is in the hands of foreigneis,
who hold all the prinuipal administrative offices and form so laige
a part of the Army The imposition of new taxation whioh would
have to bo borne wholly as a consequence of the foreign rule
imposed on the oountiy and virtually to meet additions to
oliaiges arising outside of the country would constitute a political
danger, the real magnitude of which, it is to be feared, is not at
all appiooiated by persons who have no knowledge of or eonoern
in the Government of India, but whioh those responsible for
that Government have long regarded as of the moat serious
order.

What a stiange confirmation, fulfilment and explana-
tion of the very reason of the piophecy of a hundred
yeais ago, and admission now that because the cbaiacter
of the present Govei ament is such that “ xt is xn the hands
of the foreigner s ivho hold nil tlce jxrinoipal admixxxati alive
oftoes and form so laige a paii of the army," the conse-
quence of it is a “yjohticaf danger," the real magnitude
of which IS “ of the most sm lous older ”

Need I, after this declaration even, despaii that some
of oui Anglo-Indian friends would not take a lesson from
the Secretar} of State and understand the evil of the
system under which India is suffering 2 Have I ever
said anything clearei or strongei than this despatch has
done ? It gives my whole fear of the futuie perils to
the people of India and political dangei to the British
powei in a nutshell This shows that some ot out Anglo-
ludian authorities have not been, nor are, so dull and
blind as not to have seen befoie or see now the whole
peiil of the position, and the unnatural and suicidal sys-
tem of administration

Yes, figures aie quoted by some of what they call
“ increase of trade,” “ balance of tiadein favoui of India,”
“ luci ease of industry,” “ hoarding of treasuie in British
India,” etc , etc , , but our misfoitune is that these people,.

40 SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOfiOJI

With bias and piejudices and piepossessions, and appaient-
!y having not very cleai ideas of the piinoiples, piocesses,
and details of commercial and banking operations and
transactions, and of the pertmbations of what Sir John
Shore called “ the evils of a distant foreign dominion,”
are not able to understand and read aright these facts and
figures of the commercial and economic conditions of
British India. These people do not realise or seem to
understand that what are called “ the trade returns of
British India ” are misleading, and are not the trade le-
turns of British India A good portion of both the im-
poits and exports of both meichandise and treasuie belong
to the Native States and to countries beyond the bordeis,
and not to British India. A separate return must be
made of the imports and expoits of the non-Biitish teiii-
tories, so that a coirect account of the true tiade of
Biitish 111 ha may be given by itself — and then there
should be some statement of the exports which are not
trade exports at all, but only political and private Euro-
pean lemittances , and then only will it be seen how
wietohed this British Indian true trade is, and how fsilla-
cious and misleading the present returns aie A return is
made every year called “ The Material and Moral Pi ogress
of India ” But that part regarding “ Material Progress ”
to which I am confining my ob-.eivations is very impeifect
and misleading As I have already said, nothing short of
a return every year of the average annual income pei
head of population of Bntish India, and of the absolute
necessaiies of life foi a healthy labourer, in detailed
calculation, can give any coirect idea of the progress or
otheiwise of the material condition of the people of British
India I ask for “ detailed calculation” in the returns,
because some of the oficials seem to have rather vague

CONGHESS PEBSIDENTIAI. ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893 41

notions of the Arithmetic of Aveiages, and though the
foundation figures may be correct, they bring out lesults
fai from truth I have pointed out this With instances in
my papeis I have communicated with the Secretary of
State for India, and he has communicated with the
Governments in India But I do not know how far this
correction has been attended to by those who calculate
averages

TRADE BETWEEN ENGLAND AND INDIA.

What IS grievous is that the piesent unnatuial
system, as predicted by Sir John Shoie, is destructive to
us, with a partial benefit to the United Kingdom with oui
cuise upon it But were a natural system to prevail, the
commercial and industrial benefits aided by perfect free-
trade that exists between India and the United Kingdom
will be to both countries of an extent of which we can at
present foim no conception

But here is an inexhaustible market of 221,000,000
of then own civilized fellow-citi/ens with some 66,000,000
more of the people of the Native States, and what a great
tiade would aiiso with such an enoimous market, and the
United Kingdom would not for a long time hear anything
about her “ unemployed ” It is only some people of the
United Kingdom of the higher classes that at present draw
all the benefit fiom India The gieat mass of the people
do not derive that benefit from the connection with India
which they ought to get with benefit to both countries.
On the other hand, it is with the Native States that theie
'IS some comparatively decent trade With Bvitish India,
as compared with its population, the tiade of the United
Kingdom is wretched indeed aftei a century of a very
costly administration paid for by the poverty-stricken
ryots

42

SPEECHES OP DADABHAI NAOHOJI

Trulj’ as Macaulay said emphatically
To trade ivith civilised man is infinitely more piofitable than to
govern savages , that would indeed be a doting wisdom, which,
in order that India might remain a dependency, would make it a
useless and costly dependenoy, which would keep a hundred
millions (now really 221,000,000) of men from being our ouatomera
in order that they might continue to be our slaves

Should this doting wisdom continue ?

It IS impossible for me to explain in this address
all the misapprehensions I have already explained my
views aa fully as possible in my papers These views weie
at fiist iidiouled and pooh-poohed till the highest financial
authoiities, the latest Finance Ministeis themselves,
admitted the extieme poveity of India Lord Oromer
summed up the situation in these remarkable words in
1882 “ It has been calculated that the average income per
head of population in India is not more than Rs 27 a
jeai ” “ In England the aveiage income per yeai pei

head of population was ,£33 , in France it was £23, in
Turkey which was the poorest country in Europe, it was
£4 a head ” Comment is unnecessary Let us and the
Government not live in a fool’s paradise, or time may
bring disasters to both when it is too late to stop them
This poverty is the greatest danger both to us and the
1 ulers In what shapes and varieties of forms the disease
of poverty may attack the body-politic, and bring out and
aggiavate othei evils, it is difficult to tell or foresee, but
that there is danger of “ most serious order," as the
Seoietaiy of State declares, nobody can deny

INDIAN LOYALTY

Were the people of British India allowed to enjoy the
fruits of then own labour and lesources, and were fan
relations established between the British and Indian
peoples, with India contented and piosperous, Britain
may defey half-a-dozen Russias. {Loud cheer s.) Indians

CONOBESS PBESIDENTIAL ADDBESS, LAHOEE, 1893 43

"Will then fight to the last man and to the last rupee for
then ehaie, as patriots and not as meicenaiies The
rulers will have only to stamp then foot, and millions will
spring up to defend the British power and their own
hearths and homes {Renewed cheet mg )

We, the Congress, are only desiious of supporting
Government, and having this important matter of poverty
giappled with and settled, we are anxious to pievent “ the
political danger ” of the “ most serious older," declaied to
exist by the Secretary of State himself We desire that
the British connection should endure for a long time to
come for the sake of our mateiial and political elevation
among the civihsed nations of the woild It is nopleasuie
or profit to us to complain unnecessarily or wantonly about
this poverty

Were we enemies of Biitish lule, our best course
would be, not to ciy out, but remain silent, and let the /
(‘mischief take its course till it ends in disaster as it must I
But we do not want that disastei, and ive therefoie cry out,
both for our own sake, hnd foi the sake of the luleis This
evil of poverty must be boldly faced and remedied

This IS the question to which we shall have *lo devote
our best energies. We have, no doubt, to contend against
many difficulties, but they must besuimounted for every-
body's sake

COSTLY ABMY AND CIVIL SERVICES
The next subject to which I desire to draw your
attention is this We have a large costly Euiopean
Army and European Oivil Sei vices It is not to be
supposed that in these lemarks I accept the necessity for
them, I take at piesent the situation as it is. 1 now
submit to the calm consideration of the Biitish people
and Government these questions Is all this Euiopean

44

SPEECHBS OF DADABHAI NAOROJI

service entuely foi the sole benefit of India Has the
United Kingdom no interest or benefit in it ? Does not
the greatness of, and the gieatest benefit to, the United
Kingdom aiise fiom its connection with India ? Should
not the cost of such gieatnesa and great benefits be shared
by the United Kingdom in piopoition to its means and
benefits? Are not these European seivices especially
imposed upon us on the cleaily admitted and declared
ground of maintaining the British power 2 Let us see
what our ruleis themselves say

BRITISH VIEWS ON THE OOSTLT INDIAN ADMINISTRATION.

Lord Beaconsfield «aid —

We had to decide what was the best step to counteract the
efioits Russia was then making, for though war had not been
declared, her movemerits had commenced in Central Asia, and the
struggle has commenced whioh was to decide for ever which power
should possess the great gates of India, and that the real question
at issue was whether England should possess the gates of her own
great empire in India and whether the time had not arrived when
we could no longer delay that the problem should be solved and
ID a manner as it has been solved bv Her Majesty’s Government —
iBanaard, Vol, 260 p. 1094, 25th February 1880 )

Again he says —

We i-esolved that the time has oome when this oountry should
aoquue the complete command and possession of the gates of the
Indian Empire bet me at least believe Uiat the Peers of England
are still determined to uphold not only the empiie but the honour
of this country.

Can any words be moie emphatic to show the vast and
most vital stakes, honour and inteiests of the United
Kingdom 2

Lord Kimberley, the Secretary of State for India,
tells us —

We are resolutely determined to maintain our supremacy over
oui Indian Empire that among other things, he 8av,s,

that supremacy rests upon the maintenance of our European
Civil Service, that we rest also upon the magnificent European
Force which we maintain in that country. — “ ISth June^

1893 Mansion Souse Dinner to Lord Roberta,

CONGEE&a PBESIDENTIAL ADDBESS, LAHOBE, 1893 45

This again is another emphatic declaration of the vast
stakes and interests of the United Kingdom for which
the European Services aie maintained entirely at oui
expense

I shall give one more authoritj only. ^

See what a man like Lord Eobeits, the .symbol of
physical force admits He saj s to the London Chamber
of Commerce —

1 rejooe to learn that yon reoognise how indissolubly the
prosperity of the United Kingdom is bound up with the retention
of that vast Eastern Bmpiie — 25 May, 1893 Dinnei hy
the London Ghambei of Commeice )

And again he sajs at Glasgow

That the retention of our Eastern Empire is essential to the
greatness and prosperity of the^United Kingdom — (“ 2'jmes,” 20f/i
July, 1893 )

Now, I ask again, that with all such deep, vast and
great inteiests, and the greatness and prosperity of the
United Kingdom, essentially depending on the Eastern
Empire, and indissolubly bound up with it, is it reasonable,
IS it just and fan, is it British that all the cost of such
gieatness, gloiy, and prosperity of the United Kingdom
should be entiiely, to the last farthing thiown upon the
wretched Indians, as if the only relations existing between
the United Kingdom and India were not of mutual benefit,
but of meie masteis and slaves as Macaulay pointed out to
be deprecated {Applause and ones of'' No, no ")

As for the Navy, the Times regards and it is generally
admitted that the very existence of Britain itself depends
upon the command of the sea The Times says —

They will never forgive the Minister or the Ministry that loaves
them weaker at sea than any possible combination of France and
another power

By a telegram I read at Aden, I found Mr. Gladstone
“ re-affiimed the necessity of British supremacy ”

46

SPEECHES OP DADABHAI NAOEOTI,

For any wai vessels that may be stationed in India for
the protection of the interests of both, the expenditure may
be fairly shared

lEELANE AND INDIA CONTRASTED JS FINANCIAL ADJUSTMENT

In the Bill for the better government of Ireland there
aie provisions by which Ireland is lequiied to pay a
certain share of the Imperial expenditure according to its
means, and when necessary to pay a similar share of any
extiaordinaiy expenditure, Ireland having all its lesouices
at its own command Now see how vastly different is
our position Not only will Ireland have all her internal
services, Irish or under Irish rules causing no foieign
dram fiom her, but she will also, as she has always enjoy-
ed, continue to enjoy her share in all the gain and glory
of the Biitish Empire. Irishmen can be Viceroys,
Governors, and have any of the appointments in the
military or civil sei vices of the Empire, with the additional
advantage of a large number of Members in Parliament
The Indians, on the other hand, have not only no such
share at all in the gains and glory of the British Empire
but are excluded even from the services of their own
country, with the consequences of an exhausting foreign
drain, of the deplorable evils foietold by'Sir John Shore
and subjected to the imposition of every farthing of the
expenditure Nor has India any votes in Parliament.
And we have now the additional misfortune that the
Biitish Cabinet, since the transfer to the Crown, is no
longer the independent tiibunal to judge between us and
the Indian authorities, and this adds heavily to our
difficulties foi obtaining justice and redress, except so far
as the sense of justice of the non-official membeis of the
Parliament helps us

CONGBESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893. 47

INDIAN ItlLITARY EXPENDITURE
There is a strange general misapprehension among
the people of the United Kingdom They do not seem to
know that they have not spent a single shiUing either in the
formation of the British Indian Empire or in its maintenance
and that as far as I know, every farthing is taken from the
Indians, with the only exception in my knowledge that
Mr Gladstone with his sense of justice allowed J6, 000, 000
towaids the last Afghan War, which, without having any
voice in it, cost Indiai621,000,000 (Loud axes of Shame ")

I cannot blame the people of the United Kingdom gener-
ally for this mistake, when even well-informed papeis
give utterances to this most unfortunate fallacy As, for
instance, a paper like the Staiisi, in the extract which my
friend Mr Uinshaw E Wacha gave you last yeai, sajs
“ Wtiatever may happen, we must defend India to our
last shilling and our last man,” while the fact is that
they have not spent even their first shilling or any shilling
at all ) , but on the contrary deiived benefits in

various ways from India of millions on millions every year
{“ Shame ”) Koi have the fighters in cieating and main-
taining the British Indian Empiie been only the Biitish
soldier to “ the last man ” Indian soldiers have done the
mam work, and if India can be made prosperous and
contented as it can be by tine statesmanship, the Indian
soldiei will be ready to fight to “ the last man ” to defend
Bi itish power [Loiul cheex s )

Britain, in fact, cannot send to India “to its last man ”
The very idea is absurd , on the contraiy she can draw
from India for her European purpose an inexhaustible
strength

Again, the fS'totoi says — “We are at this moment
spending large sums of money in preparing against a

48

SPEECHES OP DADABHAt NAOROJI

Kussian attack ” Not a farthing of the Biitish money !
Every farthing of these “ Ifirge sums,” which are mushing
us, IS “ imposed ” upon the people of British India
Such misleading statements aie often made in the English
Pi ess to oui great injury (“ ^hame ”)

I repeat, then, that we must submit to the just con-
sideiation of the Biitish people and Parliament whether
it IS just and right that they should not pay a fair shaie
according to their stakes and means, towards all such
expenditure as is incuired for the benefit of both India
and the United Kingdom, such expendituie, and the
lespective share of each, being settled on a peace footing,
any extraordinaiy expendituie againstany foreign invasion
being also further fauly shared

Befoie closing this subject, I may just remark that
while leaving neoessaiily the highest offices of power and
control, such as Viceroys and Governois to Europeans,
I regard the enormous European Services as a great
political and imperial weakness, in critical political times
to the British power, as well as the cause, as the present
Duke of Devonshire pointed out, of the insufficiency of an
efficient administiation of the country , and also the 'main
cause of the evils foretold by Sir John Shore, and admit-
ted by the Seoietaiy of State for India, after a hundred
years, as a political danger of “a most senous order,”
and of the poveity of India

THE BURDEfT OP THE INDIAN TAXPAYER ,

I would not say much upon the next subject, as you
have had only lately the highest testimonies of two
Viceroys and three Secretaries of State for India — of
Lord Northbrook and Lord Bipon, and of the Duke of
Argyll, Lord Cross, and Lord Kimberley You remember
the debate raised by Lord Northbrook in the House of

CONGRESS PRESIDENTtiL ADDRESS, DAHORE, 1893. 49

Xioids a few months ago that the Home Military
Charges weie unfan and unjust, and all the authori-
ties I have named endorsed the complaint. But
even the heads of the Indian authorities ate so
much in terror of the Tieasury that Lord Kimberley
said — “ The India Office has no particular desue that
the question should be re-opened and discussed anew,
for bitter expeiience has taught the department that the
re-opening of a question of this kind generally results in
the imposition of additional charges ” Is this one other
disadvantage of the tiansfer to the Ciown? Loid Kimberley
hit the nail on the head why India was so unfairly
treated (and the same may be applied to such other treat-
ment of India by the Indian authoiities themselves) when
he said — “ The reasons why proposals that must throw
fresh burdens on the Government of India are so fre-
quently made in the House of Commons is that those who
make them know that their own pockets will not suffer in
the desire to make things agreeable and comfoi table
(Laughter) The taxp vyers of the country exercise no
check upon such proposals, and the consequence is that
charges ate sometimes imposed upon the Government of
India which that Goveinment thinks unjust and unneces-
sary ” It must be borne in mind that charges “ imposed
on the Government of India ” means the suffering party
18 the poor taxpayer of India

The Duke of Argyll characterises these charges as
“ unjust and illegal tribute to England ” But mark
the words of Lord Cross — “ I am certain that in the
course of a few years the Indian people will force
us to da them justice ” This is just the feature “ to be
forced to do justice ” which I always deplore. We desire
that all necessary reforms and acts of justice should be
4

50

gPEtOHES OP DAOABHAI NAOROTI

jpontRneous on the pait of Butain, in good grace in and
jood time as gifts claiming our gratitude, and not to
vait till “ forced,” with lost, of giace from the giver and
ihe loss of gratitude from the receiver {Hear, hear )

I oftei my thanks to Lord Noithbrook and other
Lords for that debate, though yet barren of any result.
But we may fairly hope that such debate must sooner or
ater produce good results It is like a good seed sown
ind will fructify,

Heie aie some smallei items The cost of the India
Office Building of about half-a-million, of the Eoyal Engi-
neering College of £134,000, and of other buildings is all
2 ast on India The cost of the Colonial Office Building,
£100,000, IS paid from the British Exchequer The India
Office Establishment, etc , about £230,000 a year, is all
imposed on India, while the £41,000 of the Colonial Office
and £168,000 for Colonial Services ire paid from the
British Exchequei The public debt of India (excluding
Eailway and Productive Woiks) is incuiied in creating and
preserving the British powei, but all our cries to give us
at least the benefit of a British guarantee have been in
vain, with the curious suicidal effort of showing to the
world that the Biitisb Goveinment itself has no confi-
dence in the stability of its own power in India {Hear,
hear,)

In 1870, Mr Gladstone declared India to be “too
much buidened,” when the Annual Expenditure was
£39,000,000 , what expression can be used now when, with
an extremely pool income, the burden now is nearly 76 per
cent heavner, or Es 68,000,000 this year

SEPARATION OP EXECUTIVE AND JUDICIAD FUNCTIONS.

Passing on to the other subjects, I hope the separation
of Executive and Judicial functions will receive attention

CONGRESS. PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893 51

w its nece^sifcv has ba^n lecogmsed We have to persevere
loi this as well as foi other parts of oui programme,
bearing m mind one great difficulty we have to contend
with Unfortunately the [ndian authorities, when they
detei mine to do or not to do a thing un lei the notion|of
prespi ving pi esbiga and strength, as if any false piestige
-"an be a strength, disiegail even Resolutions oi Acts of
Pirliament itself, and resoit to every device to carry
then o'vn paint ot view {Lon/lctfs of " I'Shame’’) We
cannot exppft Parliamont to witch Inlian affau-, fioin day
to day, and theiein lies the impunity and immunity of
the Indian aduaimsti ition

I shall retei to only two m^t^a3S'>, fiiit, the cise of
the raisleidingly called “ The Statutory Set vice,” and
what in leility was cieited out of, and as a part and
parcel of, the Covenanted Civil Service I can speak with
some authority, foi I wis the vary proposer of the Memo-
rial of the Bast India Association to Sir Staflord
Noithcote which lesulted m the Clause of the Act of 1870
But the Iruhvn authorities would not have it They
moved heaven and earth to thwart it , it is a long and a
sad stoiy for the good name of Butain, and they never
lested till they made the Statute a dead lettei, though it
still stands on the Statute Book of the Imperial Parlia-
ment (“ SJuinie ”) However, I hear with pleasure, and
I hope it IS tiue, that a disposition has arisen, tor which
1 understand Loid Kimbeileyis to be thanked, to redtess
this glaring and unfoitunate wrong — untoitunate for
Biitish prestige, foi British honour and British good faith,
and I do hope that the Government would do this rediesa
ungrudgingly, with good grace, completeness and genero-
sity This instance illustiates another unfoitunate pha&e
of the Administration

52

SPEECHES OP DADABHAl NAOKOJI

INDIAN EORBbT SBEVICE

The Foiest Department is recruited by examinatione
in England and by selection in India Such selection is not
based upon a Resolution or Act of Parliament, but upon
the will of the authorities and consisting of Euiopeans
The Government of India in Resolution No 18 P, ol 29th
July 1891, have desciibed them as untrained and uncove-
iianted ofEceis, who have been unconditionally appointed in
past yeais, and yet they are ordered in the regular Indian
Forest Service , while those Native Civilians, created and
backed by an Act of Parliament, as distinctly belonging to
the Covenanted Civil Service, are excluded from that Civil
Seivice to which the Act distinctly appointed them Can
such diflference of treatment of Europeans and Indians
preseive British piestige for honour and justice, and would
it inciease oi diminish the existing attachment of the
Indians to British rule^

THE STATE EEOHLATION OF VICE.

The second instance was the practical disregaid of the
Resolution of the House of Commons about the State
regulation of vice But in this Case there were vigilant
watchers like Mrs Butler, Mr Stansfeld, M P , Mr
Stuart, M P , and others, and they did not allow the
Resolution to become a dead lettei In this case also I
am glad to find that the Indian authorities now mean to
give loyal effect to the Resolution, and well may they do
so for the sake of the British good name, fame, and
prestige, for morahty of every kind upon which mainly
British stiength and influence rest

THE CDRBENCT QUESTION.

On the Currency Question I need not dwell much
My views are not unknown to you. Now that the
Sherman Law is lepealed by the United States, we may

CONaRKSa PBESIDENTIAI. ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893 53

hope to see a settled condition in time No amount of
cimency, juggleiy or devices in this country could have
any influence (except that of creating troubles in the
countiy itself, as has happened) on the loss in the remit-
tances to England foi Home Charges which must be paid
m gold, and will fluctuate with the use or fall of gold m
the TJnited Kingdom As if this crushing loss was not
enough for the wretched taxpayeis, fuither burdens were
laid to make things agreeable and comfoi table with othei
people’s money, as Loid Kimbei ley would say, of high
exchange to the European officials, and the fuither most
unwarranted payment of .£138,000 to tHe banks, with
whose transactions in piofits or loss the taxpayer has no
connection whatever (“ Shame, shame ”) Some strange
precedents are made in this mattei to silence opposition
and to support banks at the expense of the taxpayers,
which will lead to serious troubles in the future Should
not the millowneis and other concerns also claim compen-
sation tor the dislocation of their industry or transactions
by the ouriency action of the Government, as Government
itself admits to have caused such dislocation'* Would the
British Exchequer have paid any such money to the
British banks 2 Such a thing ivould never have been
thought of The utmost that is done in any crisis is
allowing the Bank of England to issue more notes under
strong restrictions Had the banks made piofits instead
of los^i, would they have handed them to tire taxpayer *
Then it would have been called the reward of shrewdness,
foresight, enterprise, etc , etc

The whole currency tioubles from which India is
suffering, and which are so peculiai to India and so
deplorable to the Indian taxpayei, and from which no
other silvei -using country sufl;ei3, is one of the best

SPliECHE& OP DADABHAI NAOHOJI

illustrations and object-lessons, and pioof of tbe soundness
of Sir John Shore’s piopheey about the evil consequences
of the "piesent unnatuial system of a remote foreign
dominion, oi as the Secietaij of State called the dangei of
“ a most serious older ”

The cm reiicy muddle will necessitate new taxation
The usual easy and unchecked resource of putting ofl the
evil day by boriowing is already lesoited to, and in the
spirit of keeping things agieouble and comfoi table to those
who have votes m Paihamert, there is danger of increase
in the salt tax I do hope that Government will have
some moral courage and some mercy upon the wietohed
taxpayer, and reduce even the salt tax by le-imposing the
cotton duties Not that by this means India will be saved
a pie from the addition of bin dens, but that a little better
able shouldeis will have to bear them, oi, as Loid
Salisbury once coolly put it, that os India must be bled,
the linoet should be directed to the parts where theie was
at least su&cient blood, not to those which aie already
feeble from the want of it

THE GOVEBNMtNT AED THE KATITE STATES

Another subject of oui fntuie woik to which I need
only touch now is theielations of the Government with
the Native States There is much unnecessary irntation
and dissatisfaction wheie theie ought to be the pleasantest
haimony with much greatei devoted lojaltj than what
even now leally exists. And it is also a great mistake foi
a foreign power not to draw the military capacity and
spirit of the countiy to then own sidel^y giving it a fan
career and interest m then own service Make the
military races feel it to then advantage and interest to be
loyal to the British lule instead of keeping them alienated
fiom the Government

CONGE^ISS raE&mENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893 55

FELLOW FEELING AND COMMON NATIONALITY,

I need not say moie upon our future work, as various
Hesolutions of importance will be placed before you for
year consideration, and I am suie you will deliberate with
that moderation and fiirness foi which you hive alieady
distinguished youi selves and acquired just credit, and for
which I offer you ray heaity 'congiatulations. You
recognise, I have no doubt, tint it eveij turn you have
yet serious questions to giapple with and much work to
do

Any One who has witched my public career mqst have
seen that my mam undei lying piinciple and the de&iie of
my heart is to piomote, as fu as I can, good fellow-feeling
among all mj countrymen {Loiul applause ) And I hive
no doubt that <>11 the educated and thinking men and all
tiue friends ot oui own country will continue to do all that
lies m then power to bung about stionger and stionger
friendly ties of common nationahtj, tellow-feeling and due
defeience to eich othei’s vievis and feelings amongst the
whole people of oui country

GOVERNMENT AND LAWLESSNESS.

Government must be film and just in case of any un-
foitunata diffeiences , as far as Government are conceined
their duty is clearly to put down with a stiong hand any
lawlessness or disturbance of the peace, no matter who the
pai ties concerned may be They can only stand, as they
ought, on the only sure and light foundation of even-handed
justice to all, and cannot allow any one to take the law
into his own hands , the only wise policy is to adhere to
their declared policy of stiict neutrality and equal protec-
tion and justice to all creeds {Seal , heai )

I was much pleased to lead in the papers that coidial
conferences had been held between Muhammadans and

56 SPEECHES op DADABHAl NAOKOJI.

Hindus in various places to device means to prevent any
lieploiable occunences happening in the future

HARMONY AND UNION BETWEEN DIFFERENT RACES

Looking back to the past as my own personal experi-
ence of my life, and as far back as I know of earlier days,
at least on my side of India, I feel a congratulation that
all associations and societies of members of all creeds have
worked together in harmony and union, |without any con.
sideration of class or weed in all matters concerning our
common national public and political interests No doubt,
latteily, even in such common matters, differences of views
have arisen and will aiise, but such diflerences of views,
when genuine, aie healthy, ]ust as is the case in the
TJnited Kingdom itself with its two political parties
{Bear, lieai )

What makes me still more gratihed and look forwaid
hopefully in the futuie is that our Congress has not only
worked so far in the union and concord of all classes and
creeds, but has taken care to provide that such harmony
should continue in the future As eaily as m the Oongiess
at Allahabad of 1888, you passed this Eesolution (XIII) —
That no subject sbali be passed for discussion by the Subjects
Committee, or allowed to be dtsoussed at any Congress by the
President thereof, to the introduction of which the Hindu or
Muhammadan delegates as a body object unammously or nearly
unanimously , and that if, after the discussion of any subject which
has been admitted for diseuesion, it shall appear that all the Hindu
or all the Muhammadan delegates as a body are unanimously or
nearly unanimoudly opposed to the Resolution which it is pro-
posed to pass thereon, such Resolution shall be dropped , provided
that this rule shall refei only to subjects in regard to which the
Congress has not already definitely pronounced an opinion

As I have already said, the highest wish of my heait
IS that all the people of India should regard and treat each
other as fellow-countrymen, with fellow-feeling for the
good of all {A2}plause )

CONGEESS PEESIDBKTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893 57

We may, I am convinced, rest fully assured that what-
evei political or national benefit we may acquire will in
one or othei way benefit all classes, (JSeaj, Aeaj ) the bene-
^t of each taking various forms The interests of us all
are the same We are all m the same boat We must
sink or swim togethei Government cannot but treat us
all alike It is unieasonable for us to expect from them,
and unjust and unwise for them to show, any undue favour
to any particular class oi community The only solid
foundation for them is justice and impartiality, and the
only just demand from us also can only be justice and
impartiality {Loud applo-use )

If the country is piosperous, then if one gets scope in
one walk of life, another will have in another walk of life,
As our Indian sajing goes “ If theie is water m the
well it will come to the cistern ” If we have the well of
prosperity we shall be able to draw each our share from it
'But if the well is dry we must all go without any at all

FOUNDATIONS OP BRITISH TOWER IN INDIA

A word for the basis upon which the stiength of Biitish
powei stands Biitain can hold India, oi any one country
can hold another, by moral foice only You can build
up an empiie by arms oi ephemeial biiite physical foiee,
but you can preserve it by the eternal moral forces only
Biute force will, some time oi othei, bieak down, iighte-
ousness alone is eveilasting {Gheeis) Well and truly
has Loid Ripon said “that the British power and in-
fluence rests upon the conviction of oui good faith more
than upon the valour of oui soldiers or the reputation of
our arms ” {Ap2)l(i'itse ) Mi Gladstone says

It u the predonunatioe of that moral force for which I heaitily
pray in the deliberations of this House and the conduct of our
whole public policy, for I am convinced that upon that predomi-
nance depends that which should be the fiisu object of all our

SPEECHES OP DADABHAI NAOROJI

degirea, as it is of all our dailj ofSeial prayers, namely, that union
of heart and sentiment which constitutes the truest basis of
strength at home, and thorefoie both of stiength and good fame
throughout the eivilised world - Debates, 0th August, 1892 p
1892. f Applause >

And heie is a remark.uble instance cited by Mt Glad-
stone of a people of a difieient lace becoming attached even
to the much despised Turkish lule How inuch moie will
the people of India, if contented and piospeious, become
attached to the rule of such a people as the British ?
Referi ing to Lebanon, Mr Gladstone said —

Owing to the wise effoits of Lord Onffeiin and others about
thirty years ago, local managemoot was established since which
the province has become oontented and attached to the Turkish
Empire,

Loid Roberts, the apostle of Biitish strong arm to
maintain British power, and though much imbued with
many of the piejudices against the progiess of the Indians,
as a true soldier, admits without hesitation what he con-
siders as the only solid foundation upon which Biitish
stiength must for evei lest He says

But however effloient and well-eijuipped the army of India
mav be, were it indeed absolute perfeotion and were its numbers
considerably more than they are at piosent, our greatest strength
must ever rest on the firm base of a united and contented India

Truer and moie statesu'ianlike woids could not be
uttered Permit me to give one more extract Mr
Gladstone, referring to Irish Home Rule, said

Theieoan he no nobler speolaele than that whirh we think
IS now drawing upon us, the speotacle of a nation deliberately set
on the removal of injustice, deliberately deteimined to break, not
through terror and not in haste, but under the sole influence of
dutj and honour, determined to break with whatever remains still
eiisting of an evil tradition, and determined in that way at once
to pay a debt of justice and to consult by a bold, wise, and good
act Its own interests and its own honour

Am I at nil unieaaonable in hoping that such noble
statesmanship, honoui, and good faith of the Biitish peo-

C'ONGRE.S& PEESIDENIIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893 59

pie Will, m fullness of time, ilso extend to India similar
justice 2 I shall hope as long as I live
INDIAN NATIONALITY

Let US always remember that we aie all children of our
mother country Indeed, I have never tvoiked in any
othei spirit than that I am an Indian, {cheets) and owe
duty to my countiy and all my countiymen Whethei
I am a Hindu, a Muhammadan, a Parsi, a Chiistian, oi
of any other oieed, I am above all an Indian Oui country
IS India , oui nationality is Indian {Loud cheeis )

The question foi us, especially' a body like this, who
have received the blessings of education, is How aie we
to peiform oui duty to oui countiy ? Oeitainly no one
requues to be taught that no great cause or object can evei
be accomplished without great saciihces — peisonal and
pecuniity We cm nevei succeed with the Biitish peo-
ple by raeie declamations We must show that we believe
in the justice of out cause by oiu earnestness and ■-elf-
s'lciifioe {Heat , hem )

LEARN TO MAKE SACRIFICES

I desire now to impiess upon my countiymen with all
the earnestness 1 am capable of to prepnie themselves foi
saciifices We observe every day what saciiflces the Bii-
tish people make toi attaining any object, great oi small
and how peisistently they stick to it , and among the
lessons which we aie learning from them let us leain this
paiticular one, with the double advantage and effect of
showing thar Indians have public spiiit and love of then
countiy, and also proving that they aie earnest in what
they are asking {Applause )

ORGANISED EFFORTS

Our wolk foi the aroelioiation of our countiy and foi
obtaining all the lights and benefits of Biitish citizen-

SPEECHES OF DAHABHAI NAOROJI.

ship Will go on increasing, and it is absolutely necessaiy
that our oiganization, both heie and in the United King-
dom, should be much impioved and made complete,
"Without good organization no important woik can be
successfully done , and that means much pecuniary and
personal saciifloe We must remember the Congress
meets once a yeai The General Secretaiies and the
Standing Oommittees have to carry out the details and in-
foim the elides of the work and resolutions of the
Congress

CONGJtESS WOBK IN LONDON.

But the most important and national work foimiilated
by the Congress has to be done with watchfulness, day
aftei day, in London by your British Committee {Cheers )
And, fuither, by youi Resolution XU, of the seventh
Session, you “ urged them (the Committee) to widen
hencefoith the spheie of their usefulness by inteiesting
themselves not only in those questions dealt with by the
Congress, but lu all Indian matteis submitted to them and
properly vouched for in which any principle accepted by
the Congress is involved ” {kenewed cheering )

Fancy what this means Why, it is another India
Office ' Yon have put all India’s every-day woik upon the
shouldeis of the Committee It becomes eyceedingly
necessaiy for efficient and good woik to have some paid
person or peisons to devote time to study the merits of
all the repiesentations which pour in with every mail,
or by telegiams, before any action can be taken on
them It IS in the United Kingdom that all our
-gieat fights are to be fought, all our national and
impeiial questions aie to be settled, and it is to our
British Committee m London that we have to look for the
■peiformance of all this responsible and arduous work,

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893 G1

With the unfortunate featuie that we have to contend
against many adverse influences, prepossessions and mis-
undei standings "We have to make the Bntish people
unlearn a good deal

On the other hand, we have this hopeful feature also
that we have not only many Biitish friends, but also
Anglo Indian'., who, in the true spirit of justice and of
the gi.ititude to the country to which they owe then past
careei and futuie provision, appreciate the duty they owe
to India, and aie desirous to help us, and to preserve the
British Empire by the only certain means of justice, the
honour and righteousness of the Biitish people, and by
the contentment and prosperity of India

You know well how much we owe to the present
English membeis of oui Committee, Sir 'William Wed-
deiburn, (Thee chems foi Sii Willtam Wedderhurn )
Ml Hume, Mr Eeynolds, Mr Adam, Mr Schwann, M P ,
and Ml McLaren, M P , It we want all such help at the
fountain head of powei without which we cannot do much
good, we-must take caie to supply them always, promptly
and aoouiately, all necessary sinews of war {Hear, hear )
CONGRESS ORGAN “ INDIA ”

Then thei e is the journal “ INDIA,” without which
oui work will not be half as efficient as with it It is an
absolute necessity as an instrument and part of the organi-
zation Every possible effort must be made to give it the
widest circulation possible both hear and in the United King-
dom I wish it could be made weekly instead of monthly.
With proper effort ten-thousand copies should be easily
disposed of heie as a beginning, and we must do this.
DADABAHl’s ELECTION TO THE BRITISH PARLIAMENT
This IS the first oppoitunity I have of meeting you
after the Congiess of 1886, ovei which I had the honour

SPEECHES OP BADABHAI NAORQJI

to piewde at Oilcntta Let me now thank you peisotially for
your constant remembrance of me, foi your unceasing
encouragement, and for youi two moat kind and gratify-
ing resolutions passed at the last two sessions as repiesen-
tatives of every class and cieed, and almost wholly consist-
ing of Hindu and Muhammadan delegates, and each
delegate being elected by and lapiesentative of the
whole mixed community of the place he represents, on
the basis of common interest and nationality

I need not say how light earnestly Central Finsnuiy
listened to yoiu sppeU and fulfilled your hope, for which
we owe them oui most unstinted thanks, and to all those
who helped in oi out of Central Finsbuiy {Gheets )
I may heai once more express my hearty thanks to
many ladies and gentlemen who worked haid for my
election Attei I was elected, you passed the second
Resolution (XIV ) m the last Session I may point heie
to the significant incident that in that Congress there
was, I think, only one Paisi delegate and he even not the
delegate of Parsis, but of all classes of the people
DADABHI BETUKNS THANKS TO ALL INDIANS
Let me also now take this opportunity, on Indian
soil, to tender my most heaitfelt thanks for the telegrams,
letteis, and addi esses of congratulation which I received
from all parts and classes of India — literally I may say
fiom the prince to the peasant, fiom membeis of all creeds,
from Hindus, Muhammadans, Christians, Parsis, fioui
Ceylon, from the High Priest of Buddhists, and Buddhists,
and other residents fiom the Cape, Biitish Guiana, Aus-
tralia, and in short from every part of the British Empire
where there were Indian lesidents Ladies and Gentlemen,
put aside ray peisonahty and let me join in your rejoicings
as an Indian in the great event in Indian annals of an

CONUHESS ^PRESIDENTI\L ABDRH&S, LAHORE, 1893. 6i

Indian finding his way in the Imperial Pailiament {Lout
and p'olonged cheering)

And lastly, beginning fiom the distant Western Gat
of India, wheie the Indian residents of Aden, of all cieeds
gave me a most heaity leception , then the great poital o
India, the dear old City of my birth, gave me a mos
magnificent welcome with its nev’e! -ceasing kindness to
wards me, Poona doing hei best to vie with Bombay, anc
through the Punjab so splendidly, and this senes ot wel
come now ending in yom extiaordinaiy one which I an
utterly unable to desciibe Is there any rewaid mor
gland and more giatifying than the esteem, the joy witl
my joy, the son ow with my SOI row, and above all th
“ unshaken confidence ” of my fellow-countrymen an
countiy-women of our grand, old, beloved country?

I may lefei to an incident which, ns it is satisfactorj
is also veiy significant of the leal desire of the Britis
people to do justice to India The congratulations on m
election fiom nil parts ot the United Kingdom also wei
as heaity and waim as we could desiie, and expressin
satisfaction that an Indian would be ible to voice th
wants and aspirations of India in the House of Common

LONDON CONGRESS

I can nssuie the Congiess that, as I hope and wish,
you will pay an eaily visit to the United Kingdom an
hold a Session there, you will obtain a kind and warm n
ception fiom its peoples And you will, by such due:
and personal appeal to the Biitish Nation, accomplish
vast amount of good {Ueai , hear )

FAITH IN BRITISH FAIR-PLAT AND JUSTICE

Our fate and our futuie are in oui own hands,
we are true to oui selves and to our country and mal
all the necessary sacrifices for our elevation and amelio

64 SPEECHbS OF DADABHAI NAOKOJI

ation, I, for one have not the shadow of a donbt that in
dealing with euch justice-loving, fair-minded people as the
British we may lest fully assuied that we shall not
wqikinvain It la this conviction which has supported
me against all difficulties I have never faltered in my
faith m the British character and have always believed
that the time will come when the sentiments of the Bri-
tish Nation and out Gracious Sovereign proclaimed to us
in our Great Chatter of the Proclamation of 1858 will
betealised, {Applause) mis, “In their prosperity will be
oui strength, m their contentment our best reward ” And
let us join in the piayer that followed this hopeful decla-
ration of our Sovereign “ May the God of all power giant
to us and to those in authority under us strength to carry
out these our wishes for the good of oui people ”

DADABHAl’s EXHOETATION

My last prayei and exhortation to the Oongiess and
to all my countrymen is — Go on united and earnest, in
concord and harmony, with moderation, with loyalty to
the Biitibh rule and patriotism towards our country, and
success IS suie to attend our efforts foi our just demands,
and the day I hope is not distant when the World will
see the noblest spectacle of a great nation like the British
holding out the hand of true fellow-citizenship and of
justice to the vast mass of humanity of this great and
ancient land of India with benefits and blessings to the
human race, {Loud ami olmged cheering.)

Twenty- Second, Gongi ess — Calcutta — 1906,
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS

INTRODUCTION

Raja Pearl Mohun Mukeijee, Di Raahbehari Gliose
dtnl my fnead^, — I thank you fiom the bottom of my
heait for piopo&ing me to be the President of the Indian-
National Oongiess on this occasion. You may rest assured
that I feel from the bottom of my heart the honour that
you have done me and in my humble way I would fulfil
the important duty you have called me to perform I
cannot undertake at present to lead mj' whole address
though I expected I would be able to do so. I would ask
my tiiend Mi Gokhale to lend it for me I would just
make the beginning and say that I thank you most sin-
ceiely for honouring me for the third time by electing me
to the Presidentship of the Indian National Congtess I
hope I shall have your co-operation, help and support I
am obliged to express my deep soirow at the losses which
the countiy has sustained by the deaths of Mr W 0
Bonnerjee, Mr Anand Mohan Bose, Mr Budruddm
Tyabji and Mr. M Veeraraghnva Ohariar

Mr. Gokhale then read the following PiesidentiaL
Addiess at the request of Mr Dadabhai Naoroji —

president’s address.

“ Good government could never be a substitute for govern-
ment by the people themselves ” — Sii Henry Oamplell-
Bannerman, Stirling, 23-11-1905

'86 SPEECHES OF DABABHAT NAOROJI.

“ But this I do bay that political ptinciples are alter all
toe loot of oiii national gieatness, strength and hope,”
— M'l John Mffilei/, King’s Hall, Holhum, 4-6-1901
’ But if you meddle wrongly ivith economic things,
gentlemen, be veiy sure jou aie then going to the
veiy life, to the heart, to the core of yoiii
national ^existence” — FteeTiade Hall, Manchester,
19-10-1903

Ladies and Gentlemen, — I thank you most sincerely
foi honouring me for the thud time with the Presidentship
of the Indian National Congress I hope I shall have
your coidial help and support

I may here expiess my deep soirowat the loss India
has suheied in the deaths of Mi W 0 Bonnerjee, Justice
BuJiuddm Tyabji, Mr Anand Mohan Bose and Mr.
Veeiaraghava Chaiiai

I ottei my sinceie thanks to the “ Parliament Branch
of the United Irish League,” the Breakfast Meeting, the
North Lambeth Libeialand Radical Club and the National
Democratic League for their enthusiastic and cordial god-
speed to me.

This IS the fiist Congiess aftei its having come of
age It IS time that we should caiefully consider what the
position of the Indians is at pie, sent and what their future
should be

In considering this impoitant matter I do not intend
to repeat my lamentations ovei the past I want only to
lo( ik to the future

The work of the Congiess consists of two parts —
Bust and most important is the question of the policy
and piinciples of the system of government under which
India ought to be governed in the future

CONGRE'iS PflEbIBENTIAL ADDEEba, CALCIITrA, 1906 67

Second is to watch the opeiation ot the administration
as it now exists, to piopose from time to time any lefoims
and changes that may be deemed necessaiy to be made m
the various departments, till the ptesent system of govern-
ment IS ladically alteied and based upon light principles
and policy in the aceomphshment ot the fiist p,ut mention-
ed above

I desue to devote my address mainly to the first part
of the work of the Congress, yw , the policy and piinciples
which ought to govern India in future.

What position do the Indians hold m the British
Empue 2 Ate they Biitish citizens or not is my flist
question? 1 say we aie Biitish citizens and aie entitled
to and claim all Biitish citizen’s rights.

I shall first lay betoie you ray leasons foi claiming
that we aie Biitish citizens

EEASON I, THE BIllTHEIOm'

The acknowledgment of this birthiight wis declaied
on the very first occasion when England obtained the veiy
first teiiitoiial and soveieign possession in India The
Biitish statesmen of the day at once acted upon the iunda-
mental basis of the British constitution and chaiacter
that any one who came howsoever and wlleiesoeiei, under
the British flag, was a fiee Biitish citi/en “ as if bom and
living in England ”

The fundamental basis m the woiils of the piesent
Prime Mimstei is — ■

Freedom is the very bieafch ot oui life , We stand
ior libel ty, our policy is the policy of fiecdom

In the words of Mr Moiley —

Yes, gentlemen, the saered woid “ fiee” which represents as
Englishmen have always thought until to-day the noblest nspua-
iion that can animate the breast of man

SPEECHES OP DADABHAI NAOHOJ;

Tliib bii thright to be “ free ” or to have fieedom i'
our right from the \eiy beginning of our connection v;ith
England when we came under the British flag

When Bombay was acquired as the veiy first teirito-
rial possession, the Government of the day in the veiy fiist
grant of teiiitorial lights to the East India Company
declared thus

Extraot from the " Grant to the First East India Company
of the Island of Bombay, dated 24th March 1669 ” —

And it IS declared that all persons being His Majesty’s sub-
jeets inhabiting within the said Island and their ohildien and
their posterity born within the limits thereof shall be deemed free
denirens and natural subjects “ as if liTing and born in England, ”

And further all the terms of the fiist grant are extend-
ed in it to all future British territoiial acquisitions Thus
IS the claim of Indians to be “ free ” and to all the rights
of British natural subjects “ as if living and born in Eng-
land ” aie distinctly acknowledged and declared from the
very first political connection with England

Having given the declaration made some two and a
half centuries back in the 17th centuiy that the moment
■we Indians came undei the British flag we were “ free ”
citizens, I next give you what two of the prominent states-
men of this the 20th century have said When the Boers
were defeated and subjugated, and came under the
British flag, the present Prime Ministei said on the 1 4th
June 1901 —

These people with whom we are dealing are not only going to
be our fellow-oitizena , they are oui fellow-oitizens already

Sii William Harcourt at the same time said —

This IB the way in which you propose to deal with your
fellow-oitizena

Thus the moment a people came under the British flag
they are “ free ” and Biitish “ fellow-citizens ” We Indians
have been fiee British citizens as our birthright, “ as if

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1906 69

boin and living in England ” from the first moment we
came under the British Flag

The Boer War cost Britain moie than two hundred
millions and 20,000 dead, and 20,000 wounded India,
on the other hand, has enriched Britain instead of costing
anything — and yet this is a stiange contrast. The Boers
have already obtained self-government in a few yeais after
conquest, while India has not yet leceived self-government
though it IS more than 200 years from the commencement
of the political connection

All honour and gloiy to the British instincts and
piinciples and to the Biitish statesmen of the 17th century,
The Liberals of the present day and the Libeial Govern-
ment have eveiy right to be pioud of those “ old principles ”
and now that a happy and blessed levival of those
sacied old principles has taken place, thepiesent Govern-
ment ought faiily to be expected to act upon those old
piinciples, and to acknowledge and give efiect to the
oiithiight of Indians “ is if living and boin in England "
England is bound to do this Our British lights are
beyond all question Every British Indian subject has
franchise in England as a matter of couise, and even to
become a Member of Pailiament Nobody m England
dieams of objecting to it. Once in my case, from party
motives, an objection was suggested to enteiing my nime
on the register as an elector, and the revising baiiister at
once blushed aside the objection, foi that as an Indian, I
was a British citizen

REASON II, PLEDGED RIGHTS

The grant to the first East India Company cited in
Reason 1, is both a declaration of the lights of Indians as
Biitish citizens as well as a pledge of those rights by that
declaiation.

70

DADAEHAI NAOKOJI

Queen Yiotoin, in hei lettex to Lord Deibj asking
him to wiite the Piockmation hnnself, said —

And point out the privileges which the Indians will receive
111 being placed on an equality with the subjects of the British
Crown and piosperity flowing in the ttain of civilization

Thereupon the Proclamation then declared and pledged
unreservedly and most solemnly calling God to witness
and bless —

"We hold om selves bound to the Natives of oui Indian Teiri-
tones by the same obligations of duty which bind us to out other
subjects, and these obligations by the blessing of Almighty God
we shall faithfully and eonsoientioualy fulfil

Oan theie be a more sncied and solemn pledge befoie
God and man ? < ■

On the occasion of the Proclamation of the Queen as
Empress of India, she sent a telegram to Loid Lytton
■which he icad in the open Durbar consisting of both
Princes and Peoples In this telegram the Queen Empress-
said —

That from the highest to the humblest all may feel that under
our rule, the gieat principles of liberty, equity and justice are
secured to them, and that to promote then happiness, to add to
their prosperity and advanoe then welfaie are ever present aims
and objects of our Empire

And it IS clear that this object of promoting our hap-
piness, etc , etc , can only be attained by our enjoyment of
the piinciples of liberty, equity and justice, t e , we must
have the Biitish liberty of governing ouisolves

On the occ*asion of the Jubilee of 1887, the Queen-
Empress agam pledged and emphasised the pledges of the
Proclamation thus —

Allusion is made to the Proclamation issued on the occasion
of my assumption of the direct government of India, as the Chatter
of the liberties of the Princes and Peoples of India It Las
always been and will be continued to be mvearnest desiiethatr
the piineiples of that Proclamation should bo unswervingly
maintained.

CONQUESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1906 71

We are now asking nothing more oi less than the
libeities of our Chaitei, — oui rights of British citizenship

The piesent King-Emperor has pledged —

I shall endeavout to fallow the great example of the first
Queen-Empress to work for the general well being of ray Indian
subjects of all ranks

Again, the King Emperor in his speech, on 19th Febru-
aiy, 1906, said —

It IB ray earnest hope that in these Colonies as elsewhere
throughout my domimont (the italios are mine) the grant of
free institutions will be followed by an inoraaaing prospeiity and
loyalty to the Empire

And the Prime Minister clinches the whole, that —
Good government noiild nevei bo a substitute foi government
by the people themselves

How much less is then an economically evil govern-
ment and constitutionally an unconstitutional despotic
government, a substitute for self goveinment, — and how
much absolutely necessaij it is to produce “ increasing
piospeiity and loyiltj to the Empire,” by “ the grant of
free institutions ”

With the solemn pledges I have mentioned above, we
have every right to claim an honouiable fulfilment of all
oui Biitish pledged lights And so we claim all British
rights as oui biithiight and as our solemnly pledged
lights, Bi item’s duty, humanity, honour, instincts and
traditions for freedom, solemn pledges, conscience, iighte-
ousness, and civilization demand the satisfaction to us of
OUI Butish rights

REASON III, REPARATION

All our sufferings and evils of the past centuries
demand before God and man a reparation, which we may
f luly expect fiom the present levival of the old noble
ritish instincts of liberty and self-government I do not

72 SPEECHES OE DADABHAl NAOEOJI.

enter into our past sufferings as I have alieady said at the
outset.

EBASON IV, CONSCIENCE.

The Butieh people would not allow themselves to be
subjected foi a single day to such an unnatural system of
government as the one which has been imposed upon
India for nearly a century and a half. Sir H, Campbell-
Bannerman has made a happy quotation from Mr
Bright —

I remombei John Blight quoting in the House of Commons
on one ^oeeasion two lines of a poet with reference to pohtioal
matters —

There is on Eaith a yet diviner thing,

Veiled though it be, than Parliament or King,

Then Sii Homy asks —

What 18 that divinei thing ? It is the human conscience in-
spiring human opinion and human sympathy

I dsk them to extend that human conscience', “ the
dmnei thing,” to India in the woids of Mi Moiley —

It will be a bad day indeed if we have one conscience for the
M ilhar Country and another conscience for all that vast territory
over which your eye does not extend

And now the nest question is What are the British
rights which we have a right to “claim ?”

This is not the occasion to entei into any details or
argument. I keep to bioad hues

(1) Just as the administration of the United King-
dom in all services, departments and details is in the
hands of the people themselves of that country, so should
we in India claim that the administration in all services,
depaitments and details should be in the hands of the
people themselves of India,'

This IS not only a matter of right and matter of the
aspirations of the educated — important enough as these
matters are — but it is fai more an absolute necessity as

CONOEESS PEESIDEKTIAL ADDEESS, CALCUTTA, 1906 73

the only lemedy for the great inevitable economic evil
which Sir John Shore pointed out a hundred and twenty
S'ears ago, and which is the fundamental cause of the pre-
sent diain and poverty The remedy is absolutely neces-
sary for the material, moral, intellectual, political, social,
industrial and every possible pi ogress and welfare of the
people of India

(2) As in the United Kingdom and the Colonies all
taxation and legislation and the power of spending the
taxes aie in the hands of the repiesentatives of the people
of those countries, so should also be the rights of the
people of India

(3) All financial relations between England and
India must be just and on a footing of equality, i e ,
whatevei money India may find towards expenditure in
any department — Civil or Military or Naval — to the ex-
tent of that shaie should Indians shaie in all the benefits
of that expendituie in salaiies, pensions, emoluments,
mateiials, etc , as a partnei in the Empire, as she is always
declared to be We do not ask any favouis We want
only justice Instead of going into any fiuther divisions
or details of our rights ns British citizens, the whole matter
can be compromised m one word — “ Self-Government ” or
Sioaiaj like that of the United Kingdom or the Colonies

Mr Morley says veiy truly and emphatically (Ban-
quet, King’s Hall, Holborn, 4th June 1901) —

But this I do say that politioal principles are after all the
loot of oui national greatness, strength and hope

So, foi India also, there can be no national greatness,
strength and hope except by the right political principles
of self-government.

Now the next important question is, whether it is
practicable to grant these rights of self-government at once

74 SPEECHES OP DADABHAI NAOEOH

or when and in what way * Nobody would, I think, say
that the whole piesent machinery can be suddenly broken
up at once and the rights which I have defined of self-
government can be at once intioduced

RTQHTNO I, EMPOAMENT IN THE PUBLIC SERVICES

The right of placing all administration in every
depar tment in the hands of the people of India Has the
time ai lived to do anytning loyall;y, faithfully and syste-
matically as a beginning at once, so that it may automati-
cally develop into the full realisation of the light of self-
government ?

I say, — yes Not only has the time fully arrived but
had arrived long past, to make this beginning The states-
men of neaily three-quarters of a centuiy ago not only
considered the point of making a beginning, not meiely
made a pious Jeclaiation, but they actually passed an Act
of Piuliament foi the puipose Had that Act been honour-
ably and faithfully fulfilled by the Government from that
time to this, both England and India would have been in
the position, not of bewailing the present pov'ert},
wretchedness and dissatisfaction of the Indian people, but
of rejoicing in the prosperity of India and of still greater
piosperity of England heiself.

In the thirties of the last centuiy, England achieved
the highest gloiy of civilization by its emancipation of
the body and soul of man — by abolishing slavery and by
freedom of conscience to enjoy all the lights of Biitish
citizenship During these glorious days of English history,
the statesmen of the time did not forget their duty to the
people of India They specially and openly considered the
question of self-government of India, not only m connec-
tion with Biitain, but even with the lesult of entire inde-
pendence fiom Britain When the Act of 1833 was passed

OONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCDTIA, 190G 75

[acaulay made that memorable speech about the dut) of
lutain towards India, of which Britain shall foi ever be
roud I cannot quote that whole speech here Bveij
mrd of it IS worth study [and consideintion fiom the
batesmen of the day. I shall give only a few extracts,
le first said

“ I must say that, to the last day of my life, I shall be proud
f having bean one of those who assisted m the framing of the
Jill which contains that Clause ” ‘‘ It would be

n the most selfish view of the oase far better for us that the people
if India were well governed and independent of ua than ill govorn-
d and subject to us." . . ‘ We shall never consent

o administer the pousia. (a preparation of opium) to a whole
lommunity— to stupify and paralyse agieat people, wnom God
las committed to our charge, foi the wretched purpose of render-
ng them more amenable to our contiol ’’ “ We are

rea, we are civilized, to little purpose, it we grudge to any portion
if the human race an equal measure of freedom and civilization ”

, “ I have no tears The path of duty is plain befoia us

ind it IS also the path of wisdom, of national prosperity, of national,
lonour ” " To have found a great people sunk

n the lowest depths of slavery and superstition, to have so ruled
hem as to hare made them desirous and capable of all the privi-
eges of citizens, would, indeed, bo a title to glory all our own ”
Such was the g)oiioufa spiiit in and auspices undei
vhich was enacted in Macaulay’s woids “ that wise, that
lenevolent, that noble clause” —

That no native of the said teiiitory, nor any natural born
subject of His Majesty, resident thoiein, shall by leason only of
his religion, place of birth, descent, colour or any of them, be
Jisabled from holding any place, office or employment under tlie
said company

I would not repeat heie what I have often stated
about this clause Suihcient to say that simultaneous
examinations in India have been declaied authoiitatively
as the only honourable fulfilment of the clause

Here is, then, the beginning that can be made at
once not as a new thing but as one fully' consideied and
settled by Act of Parliament 73 years ago The powei is
teady in the hands of the Secietaiy of State for India to

76

SPEECHES OP DADABHAI NAOEOJl.

be put luto execution at once without the necessity of any
reference to Parliament oi any authority.

And, in connection with this step, I would earnestly
urge upon the Secietaiy of State to letrace the pernicious
step which has lately been taken in India of abolishing
competition for the services to which admission is made
directly in India, In England, competition is the basis of
all first admissions in all the sei vices, and the same must
be the basis in India as the fairest and most in accordance
with justice

This beginning will be the key, the most effective
lemedy foi the chief economic and basic evil of the present
system,

Mr Moiley has tiuly said —

3ut if you meddle wrongly with economic things, Gentlemen,
be very suie you are then going to the very life, to the heart, to the
core of your national e'listence

And so the economic muddle of the existing policy is
going to the hie, to the heart, to the core of our national
existence A three-fold wrong is inflicted upon us, le ,
of depriving us of wealth, work and wisdom, of everything,
in short, worth living tor And this beginning will begin
to stiike at the root of the muddle The reform of the
alteration of the sei vices fiom European to Indian is the
keynote of the whole

On the score of efficiency also foieign sei vice can
never be efficient oi sufficient Sii William Huntei has
said —

If we are to govern the Indian people efficiently and cheaply,
wo must govern by means of themselves

The Duke of Devonshire, as Indian Secretaiy, has said
(23rd August 1883)

There can in my opinion be very little doubt that India la
nsuffloiently goveined.

OONGEESS PEESIDBNTIAL ADDBESS, CALCUTTA, 1906. 77

In the very nature of things it cannot be other-
wise

After the simultaneous examinations aie cairied on
for some years, it will be time to transfer the examina-
tions altogether to India to complete the accomplishment
of the rights (No 1) of self-government without any
distuibance in the smooth woiking of the adminis-
tration

Oo-ovdinately nith this important beginning foi
Right (No. 1) it IS urgent to expedite this object that
education must be most vigoiously disseminated among
the people — fiee and compnlsoiy primary education, and
free highei education of eveiy kind The Indian people
will hail with the greatest satisfaction any amount of ex-
penditure for the purpose of education It was free edu-
cation that I had at the expense ot the people that made
me and others of my fellow-students and subsequent
fellow-workeis to give then best to the service of the
people foi the promotion of then welfare

Education on the one hand, and actual training in
administiation on the other hand, will bung the accom-
plishment of self-government fai more speedily than many
imagine

Heavy expendituie should be no excuse In fact, if
financial justice, to which I shall retei hereafter, is done
m the relations between England and India, there will be
ample provision even fiom the pool levenues of India —
and with every addition of Indians in place of Europeans,
the resources of India foi all necessary purposes will go on
increasing

EIGHT NO II, EEPEESBNTATION.

In England itself Parliamentary Goveinment existed
foi some hundreds of yeais before even the iioh and

78

fcPEtCHES OF DADABHAI NAOXvl«X

middle classes and the mass of the people had any voice or
vote in it

Macaulay pointed out in 1831 that the people living
in the magnificent palaces suirounding Regent’s Park and
in other such places weie uniepiesented It is only so
late as 1832 that the middle classes obtained their vote,
and it IS only so late as 1885 that most of the mass of the
people obtained their franchise Women have no vote.
Adult fianehise is yet m struggle

It IS no use telling us, therefore, that a good begin-
ning cannot be made now in India for what Mr. Gladstone
called “ living representation ” The only thing needed is
the willingness of the Government The statesmen at the
helm of the piesent Government aie quite competent and
able to make a good beginning — such a systematic begin-
ning as that it may naturally in no long time develop it-
self into full legislatuies of self-government like those of
the self-governing colonies I need not go into any details
here of the scope and possibilities of representation The
educated and thinking classes in India who have attended
English schools and colleges are not the only people
to be leckoned with Theie is a large body who now are
informed of the events of the world and of all British
institutions by the vernacular press and liteiature in their
own language '

The peasants of Russia are fit for and obtained the
Duma from the greatest autociat m the world, and the
leading st.itesmen, the Prime Mm!ister of the free British
Empire, pioclaimed to the world, “ the Duma is dead,
long live the Duma * ” Surely the fellow-citizens of that
statesman and the free citizeus of that Empire by birth-
iight ,.and pledged rights aie far more entitled to self-
government, a constitutional representative system, than

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA,* 1906 70

iihe peasants of Russia I do not despair It is futile to
tell me that we must wait till all the people aie ready
The British people did not so wait for then Pailiament
We aie not allowed to be ht foi 150 years We can
never be ht till we actually undertake the work and the
lesponsibility While China in the East and Pei sia in the
West of Asia are awakening and Japan has aheady
awakened, and Russia is struggling for emancipation — and
all of them despotisms— can the fiee citizens of the
British Indian Empiie continue to remain subject to
despotism — the people who were among the first civilizeis
of the woild ? Modem woild owes no little giatitude to
these eaily civihzeis of the human lace Aie the descend-
ants of the earliest civilizers to remain, in the present
times of spreading emancipation, under the barbarous
system of despotism, unworthy of Biitisb instincts, princi-
ples and civilization ?

Ricinr NO III, lUsT PINANCIAL RELATIONS
This light leqmres no delay oi tiaining If the
Biitish Government wills to do wh.it is just and light, this
justice towards self-government can be done at once

Bust of all take the Euiopean Army expenditure
The Government of India in its despatch of 25th March
1890, Saya —

Millions of money have been spent on increasing the Aimy in
India, on ainiaments, and on fortifications to provide tor the seoui-
ity of India, not against domestic enemies or to prevent the inva-
sions of the warlike peoples of adjoining countnos, but to maintain
the supremaoy of British Power in the East

Again, the Government of India says —

It would be much neaier the tinth to afiiim that the Imperial
Government keeps in India and quarters upon the revenues of that
eountiy as large a portion of its army as it thinks can possibly be
required to maintain its dominion there, that it habitually treats
that portion of its army as a reserve force available foi impeiial
purposes , that it has uniformly detached European regiments

SPEECHES OF D4DABHAI NAOROJI

from theganiaon of fndia to take part in imperial wars whenever
it has been found necessary oroonvenient to do so, and more
than this that it has drawn not leas freely upon the native array o£
India towards the maintennnoe of which it contributes nothing to
aid It in oonteats outside of India with which the Indian Govern-
ment has had little or no concern

>Such IS the testimony of the Govemuaent of India
that the European Army is for Imperial purposes

Now I give the view taken in the India Office itself,
Sii James Peile was a member of the Council of the
Secretary of State foi India, and leptesented the Indian
Secretary on the Royal Commission (Welby’s) on Indian
expenditure Sii James Peile, m a motion, after pointing
out that the military policy avhich regulated Indian
military expendituie was not exclusively Indian, uiged
that —

It IS worthy of consideration how far it is equitable to
chaige on a dependency the whole military cost of that polioj, when
that dependency happens to be the only part of the Empire which
has a land frontier adjacent to the territory of a great European
power

Here then these oxtiactb of the Government of India
and the India ClEce show tliat the European Army expen-
diture IS entirely for British imperial purposes, and yet
with flagrant injustice the burden is thrown by the
Treasury upon the helpless Indian people.

In the same way all the Goveinment expendituie in
England which entiiely goes to the benefit of the people
in England, and which is foi British purposes, is imposed
on the Indian people while the Colonies do not pay any por-
tion foi similar expenditure in England This expenditure
should in common justice, not be imposed on India, It is
unjust Here then, if we are relieved of burdens which
ought not in common justice to be imposed upon us, our
revenues, poor as they are at piesent, will supply ample
means for education and many other reforms and improve-

CONGRESS PBESIDENTIAr, ADDRESS, CALCUITA, 1906. 81

ments which are needed by us This question is simply a
matter of financial justice. 1 have put it on a clear just
principle and on that piinciple India can be quite ready to
find the money and its own men for all her own needs —
Military, Naval, Oivil oi any othei For imperial expendi-
ture we must have our share in the services in proportion
to our contribution

These just financial relations can be established at
once They require no delay or piepaiatioii. It only needs
the determination and will of the British Government to
do justice Lastly, as to self-government. If the British
people and statesmen make up their mind to do their duty
towards the Indian people, they have eveiy ability and
statesmanship to devise means to accord self-government
within no distant time If there is the will and the con-
science, there is the way.

Now I come to the most crucial question — particularly
crucial to myself personally

I have been for some time past repeatedly asked whe-
ther I really have, after more than half a century of my
own peisonal expeiience, such confidence in tne honour and
good faith of British statesmen and Government as to
expect that our just claims to self-government as British
citizens will be willingly and gracefully accorded to us
with every honest eft’ort in then power, leaving alone and
forgetting the past

Ladies and gentlemen, I shall give you a full and free
ansiv 01

In 1853, when I made my fiist little speech at the in-
auguiation of the Bombay Association, in perfect inno-
cence of heart influenced by my Bnghsh education into
great admiration foi the character, instincts and struggles
for liberty of the British people, I expressed my faith and

82

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI HAOROJI

confidence m the Bntish Euleis in a shoit speech fiom
which I give a shoit extract —

When we see that our Governinenli is often ready to aesist us
ID everything oaleulated to benefit us, we had bettei than meiely
complain and grumble, point out in a becoming manner what our
real wants are

And I also said

If an association like this be always in leadiress to ascertain
by stiict enquiries the piobable good or bad effects of any proposed
measure and, whenever necessary, to memorialise Government on
behalf of the people with respect to them, our kind Government
will not refuse to listen to such memorials

Such was my faith It was this faith of the educated
of the time that made Sir Battle Freie make the remark
which Ml Fawcett quoted, vva , that he had been much
struck with the fact that the ablest exponents of English
policy and oiu best coadjutors in adapting that policy to
the wants of the various nations occupying Indian soil
were to be found among the natives who had received a
high-class English education And now, owing to the
non-fulfilment of solemn pledges, what a change has taken
place in the mind of the educated '

Since my eaily efforts, I must say that I have felt so
many disappointments as would be sufficient to bieak any
heart and lead one to despair and even, I am afraid, to
rebel.

My disappointments „have not been of the ordinary
kind but far worse and keener Oidinarily a person fights
— and if he fails he is disappointed. But I fought and won
■on several occasions, but the executive did not let us have
the fimt of those victories — disappointments quite enough,
as I have said, to break one’s heaib. For instance, the
Statutory ” Civil Service, Simultaneous Examinations
Lord Lawrence Scholarships, Royal Commission, etc. I
am thankful that the repayment from the Treasury of

CONQBESS PHESIDENHAL ADDRESS, CALOUTTl, 1906 83

some unjust charges has been earned out, though the
Indian Seeretaij’s salary is not yet transferred to the
Treasury as it was hoped

Bub I have not despaired Not only that I have not
despaired, but at this moment, you may think it strange, I
■stand before you with hopefulness I have not despaired
for one reason — and I am hopeful for another reason,

I have not despaired under the indueacQ of the good
English woid which has been the lule of my life That
word IS “ Persevere ” In any movement, great or small,
you must perseveie to the end You cannot stop at any
stage, disappointments notwithstanding, oi you loss all you
have gained and find it fai moie diflicult after wnids even
to begin again As we pioceed, we may adopt Such means
as may be suitable at every stage, but persevere we must
to tha end If our cause is good and just, as it is, we are
sure to triumph in the end So I have not despaired.

Now to the reason of my hopefulness which I feel at
this moment alter all my disappointments And this also
uadei the influence of one word “ Revival ” — the present
“revival ’ of the true old spirit and instinct of Iibaity and
free Butish institutions m the hearts of the leading states-
men of the day I shall now place befoie you the declara-
tions of some of the leading statesmen of the day and then
you will judge that my faith and hope aie well-founded,
whether they will be justified or not by future events.

Sere, I give you a few of those declarations But I give
an Appendix A of some of these declarations out of many,
SIR H OAMPBELL-BANHERMAS
We believe in Belf-goveinment We treat it not as an odious
necessity, not as a foolish theory to which unfortunately the
British Empire is committed We treat it as a blessing and a
healing, a sobering and a strengthening influence.— Bradford
>15-5-1901,

84 SPEECHES OP DADABHAI MAOROJI

I remain aa firm a believer as aver I waa in the virtue o
self-government — Ayr, 29-10-1902

But here la another — Self-government and popular oontrol-
and we believe in that principle

MB JOHN MOKLEi

Yea, gentlemen, the aaored woid ‘tree’ which represented
as Engliahmen have always thought until to-day, “Ihe nobles
aapirationa that can animate the bi east of man —Palmerston Club
9-6-1900

In hia view the root of good government was not to be fount
in bureaucracy or pedantocraey They must seek to rouse uj
the free and spontaneous elements Iving deep in the hearts am
minds of the people of the country — Arbroath, 23-10-1903

The study of the present revival of the spirit
instincts and traditions of Liberty and Liberalism amonj
the Liberal statesmen of the day has produced in my hearl
full expectation that the end of the evil system, and th(
dawn of a righteous and liberal policy of freedom anc
self-government are at hand for India I trust that ]
am justified in my expectations and hopefulness

^ Ladies and gentlemen, we have all the powerful mora
forces of justice, righteousness and honom of Britain, bul
our birthright and pledged rights and the absolute
necessity and humanity of ending quickly all the suliermgs
of the masses of the people, from poverty, famine, plague
destitution and degradation, etc On our side if we use
those moral forces, which are very effective on a peoph
like the British people, we must, we are bound to, win
"What 18 wanted for us is to leain the lesson from English-
men themselves — to agitate most largely and most persever-
ingly by petitions, demonstrations and meetings, al
quite peacefully but enthusiastically conducted Let us
not throw away our rights and moral forces which are sc
overwhelming on our side I shall say something agair
An this subject

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCDTT\, 1906 85

With such very hopeful and promising views and
declarations of some of the leaders of the present Govern-
ment, we have also coming to our side more and more
Parliament, Pi ess and Platform We have some 200
Members in the Indian Parliamentary Committee The
Labour Membeis, the Irish Nationalist Membera, and
the Eadicals aie sympathetic with us We have several
Liberal papers such as “ The Daily News,” “ The Tribune,”
“ The Morning Leader,” “ The Manchestei Guardian,”
“ The Stai,” “ The Daily Chronicle,” “ Justice,” “Investors’
Eeview,” “ Reynolds,” “ New Age,” and several others
taking a juster view of India’s lights and needs We
must make “India” a powerful oigan We have all
sections of the Labour oi Democratic Paity, the Bntish
Nationalist Paity, the Radicals and Liberals generally
taking laiger inteiest m Indian matters The large sec-
tion of the Biitish people, to whom conscience and
iighteousness are above eveiy possible woildly thing, are
also awakening to a sense of then duty to the vast popula-
tion of India in their due distress and poverty, with all
its dreadful consequences. When I was n Puhament and
the only Indian, Ijhad the support of the lush. Radical and
Laboui Members I nevei felt helpless and alone, and I
succeeded in several of my efloits We must have many
Indian Membeis in Paihamenb till we get self-government
DnJer such favouiable ciicumstances let us not fail to
make the mostjof oui oppoitumty foi our political emanci-
pation Let us, it IS tiue, at the same time do, what is in
oui power , to advance om social and industiial progress
But foi our political emancipation, it will be a great folly
and misfortune foi us to miss this good foi tune ^S^en it has
at last come to us, though I fully admit we had enough
of disappointments to make us lose heart and confidence.

SPEECHES OP DADABHAI NAOltOJI

I base my hope upon the “ levival ” of the old
Biitish love of liberty and self-government, of honour for
pledges, of oui light of fellow British citi/enship Within
the short life, that may yet lie vouchsafed to me, I hope to
see a lojal, honest, honouiable and conscientious adoption
of the policy foi self-government foi India — and a
beginning made at once towauls that end,

I haie not expiessed to you my hope.? and reasons
for such hopes for ouiselves But as the Moial Law, the
gieatest foice of the Univeise, has it, — in oui good will be
England’s own greatest good Blight has wisely said —
The good of England must oome thiough the channels of the
good of India In order that England may become rich,

India itself must become neb

Mr Moiley has lightly said —

No, gentlemen, every single right thing that is done by the
Legislatuie, however moderate he its area, eveiy single right thing
18 sure to lead to the doing of a great number of unforeseen light
things —Dundee, 9-12-1889

If India IS allowed to be piosperous by self-govern-
ment, as the Colonies hate become piospeious by self-
goveinment, what a vista of gloiy and benefits open up
for the eitizens of the Biitish Empue, and for mankind,
as an e^- ample and proof of the supremacy of the moral
law and true civilization •

While we put the duty of leading us on to self-
government on the heads of the piesent British statesmen,
we have also the duty upon ouiselves to do all we canto
support those statesmen by, on the one hand, pieparing
our Indian people for the light understanding, exercise
and enjoyment of self-government and, on the other hand,
of convmwng the British people that we justly claim and
must ha\ fall Biitish lights I put before the Congress
my suggestions for their consideiatiori To put the matter
in right form, we should send our “ Petition of Eights ”

CONaRESS PRBSIDBNTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1906 87

to His Majesty the Kuig-Empeior, to the House of
Commons and to the House of Lords By the Butisb
Bill of Rights of 1689 — by the 5th Clause — “ the subjects
have the right to present petition^, to the Sovereign ”

The next thing I suggest for your consideration is
that the well-to-do Indians should raise a laige fund of
patriotism. With this fund we should organise a body of
able men and good speakers, to go to all the nooks and
corners of India and mfoim the people m their own
languages of oui Biitish lights and how to exercise and
enjoy them Also to send to England another body of
able speakers, and to provide means to go thioughout the
country and by luge meetings to convince the British
people that we justly claim and must have all Biitish
rights of self-govei nraent By doing that I am sure that
the British conscience will tiiumph and the Biitish people
will suppoit the present statesmen in then woik of giving
India responsible self-government in the shortest possible
period We must have a gi eat agitation in England, as
well as heie The struggle against the Coin Laws cost, I
think, two millions, and theie was a gieat agitation Let
us learn to help ourselves in the same way

I have said at the beginning that the duties of this
Congress aie twofold And of the tw'o, the chum to a
change of the piesent policy leading to self-govei nmcnt vs
the chief and most impoitsnt woik

The second part of the work is the vigilant watch
ovei the inevitable and unnecessaiy defects of the present
machineiy of the Admiiiistiation as it exists and as long
as it exists And as the fundamental principles of the
piesent Administration aie unsound, there aie inherent
evils and otheis aie naturally ever arising from them
These the Congress has to watch and adopt means to

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI UAOHOJI.

remedy them, as fai as possible, till self-goveinment is
attained, though it is only when self-government is attain-
ed that India will be free from its present evils and
consequent sufferings. This pait of the work, the Congress
has been doing veiy kigely duiing all the past twenty-one
yeais, and the Subjects-Committee will place before you
vanous resolutions necessaiy for the improvement of the
existing administration, as far as such unnatural and un-
economic administration can be impioved I would not
have troubled you more but that I should like to say a few
woids upon some topics connected with the second part of
the work of the Congress — Bengal Paitition and Swadesh%
movement

In the Bengal Paitition, the Bengalees have a just
and gieat grievance It is a bad blunder for England I
do not despan, but that this blundei, I hope, may yet be
rectified This subject is being so well threshed out by
the Bengalees themselves that I need not say anything
more about it But in connection with it we hear a great
deal ibout sgitatois and agitation Agitation is the life
and soul of the whole political, social and industrial histoiy
of England It is by agitation the English have accom-
plished then most glorious achievements, their prosperity,
their liberties and, in short, then fiist place among the
nations of the world

The whole life of England, every day, is all agitation
You do not open your paper in the morning but lead from
beginning to end it is all agitation— Congresses and Con-
ferences — Meetings and Resolutions — without end, for a
thousand and one movements, local and national From
the Piime ister to the humblest politician, his occupa-
tion is agitation for everything he wants to accomplish
The whole Pailiament, Press and Platform is simply all

agitation Agitation is the civilised, peaceful weapon of
moial force, and infinitely preferable to brute physical
force when possible. The subject is veiy tempting But
I shall not say more than that the Indian journalists are
meie Matriculates while the Anglo-Indian journalists are
Masteis of Aits in the Univeisity of British Agitators
The former are only the pupils of the latter, and the
Anglo-Indian journalists ought to feel pioud that their
pupils are doing credit to them Perhaps a few woids
from an English statesman will be more sedative and
satisfactory

Macaulay has said in one of his speeches —

I hold that we have owed to agitation a long series of benefl-
ceiit reforms which would have been efteoted in no other way
, , the truth is that agitation is inseparable from popular
government . . . Would the slave trade aver have been

abolished without agitation f Would slavery ever have been
abolished without agitation ?

For eveiy movement in England — hundreds, local and
national — the chief weapons are agitation by meetings,
demonstrations and petitions to Paihament These peti-
tions aie not any begging foi any favouis any moie than
that the conventional “ Your obedient seivant ” in letters
makes a man an obedient seivant It is the conventional
way of approaching highei authoiities The petitions are
claims foi rights oi for justice oi foi reforms, — to influence
and put pressure on Paihament by showing how the public
regard any pai ticulai mattei The fact that we have more
01 less failed hitherto, is not because we have petitioned too
much but that we have petitioned too little One of the
factors that cariies weight in Parliament is the evidence
that the people inteiested in any question aie really in
eainest Only the other day Mi Asquith urged as one
of his leasons against women’s franchise, that he did not
see sufficient evidence to show that the majority of the

90

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI

■women themselves weie earnest to acquire the fianchise.
IVe have not petitioned oi agitated enough at all in our
demands In evei> important matter we must petition
Pailiament rvith hundreds and thousands of petitions —
■nith himdieJs of thousands of signatuies fiom all paits
of India Taking one piesont instance in England, the
Oliuich party has held till the beginning of October last
1,400 meetings known end many moie unknown against the
Education Bill and petitioned with thi ee-quai ters of a mil-
lion signatures and many demonstrations. Since then they
have been possibly moie and moie active Agitate, agitate
over the whole length and breadth of India in eveiy nook
and cornel — peacefully of course — if we really mean to get
justice fioin John Bull Satisfy him that we are in ear-
nest The Bengilees, I am glad, have leaint the lesson
aiul have led the march All India must learn the lesson
— of '■aciifice of money and of earnest peisoiml woik.

Agitate , agitate means inform Inform, inform the
Indian people what then rights me, and why and how they
should obtain them, and infoim the Biitish people of the
rights of the Indian people and why they should grant
them If we do not speak, they say we are satisfied If
we speak, we become agitators ' The Indian people are
piopeily a&ked to act constitutionally while the Govein-
ment lemains unconstitutional and despotic

Nevt about the “ settled fact ’’ Every Bill defeated
in Parliament is a “ settled fact ” Is it not ? And the next
year it makes its appearance again The Education Act of
1902 was a settled fact An act of Parliament, was it not?
And now within a short time what a tuimoil is it in And
what nn agitation and excitement has been going on about
it and is still in prospect * It may lead to a clash between
the two Houses of Paihament Tlieie is nothing as an

CONHRESS PBUSIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCDTl'A, 1906 91

eternal “ settled fact ” Times change, circumstances aie
misunderstood or changed, bettei light and undeistand-
ing or new forces come into play, and what is settled to-
day may become obsolete to moiiow

The oiganizations which I suggest, and which I may
call a band of political missionaries in all the Provinces,
will serve many purposes at once — to intoim the people of
their rights as British citizens, to piepaie them to claim
those rights by petitions and when the rights aie obtained
to exercise and enjoy them

“ Swadeshi ” is not a thing of to-day It has existed
m Bombay as fai as llrnow foi many joais past I am a
free-trader, I am a membei , and in the Executive Com-
mittee of the Oobden Club foi 20 yeais, and jet I say that
“ Swadeshi " is a forced necessity for India m its un-
natural economic muddle As long as the economic condi-
tion lemains unnatural and impoveiishing, by the necessity
of supplying eveiy j'ear some Es 20,00,00,000 foi the
salary, pensions, etc , of the children of a foreign country
at the expense and impoveiishraent of the childien of
India, to talk of applying economic laws to the condition
of India 18 adding insult to injuij I have said so much
about this over and ovei again that I would not say move
about it here — I lefer to mj book I ask any Englishman
whether Ehglishmen would submit to this unnatural eco-
nomic muddle of India foi a single day in Enghnd, leave
alone 150 jeais^ No, never No, Ladies and Gentlemen,
England will never submit to it It is, what I have
already quoted in Mi Moiley’s woids, it is “ the meddling
wrongly with economic things that is going to the veiy
life, to the very heart, to the veiy coie of our national
existence ”

Among the duties which I ha\ e said aie incumbent

DADABHAI NAOKOJI

J)2 SPEECHES OF

upon the Indians, theie is one, which, though I mention
last, IS not the least I mean a thorough political union
among the Indian people of all cieeds and classes. I mike
an appeal to all — call it mendicant if you like — I am not
ashamed of being a mendicant in any good cause and
undei necessity fot any good cause I appeal to the Indian
people for this, because it is in then own hands only just
as. I appeal to the Biitish people for things that are entirely
in their hands In this appeal foi a thorough union foi
political pui poses among all the people I make a particular
one to my fi lends, the Mahomedans They are a manly
people They have been luleis both m and out of India
They are rulers this day both in and out of India They
have the highest Indian Piinee ruling ovei the largest
State, rii; , H H the Nizam Among other Mahomedan
Princes they have Junagad, Eadhanpur, Bhopal and
others

Notwithstanding then backward education, they have
the pnde of having had in all India the first Indian Bar-
ristei in Mi Budiudin Tyabji and the first Solicitor in Mr
Kami udin Tyabji, two Mahomedan brotheis What a
laige share of Bombay commerce is m the hands of Maho-

* As legards the first Indian Barrister and the first Indian
Attorney, it appeals that Mr Badabhai Naoroji was wrongly
informed Of course, any community would be proud of two such
distinguished members aa were the Tyabp brothers, both of whom
met with great success and attained the highest positions in their
respective professions, but they weie net the first Indians to adopt
those professions Mr Budrudin Tyabji was called to the Bar
on the 30tL April, 1867, and there were at least two or three Indian
Barristeis before him Mr M Ghose was called on the 6th June
1866, and Mr G M Tagore, who is believed to be the first Indian
Barrister, was oahed to the Bar on the 11th June, 1862, and long
befoie that. Baba Bnney Madhnb Banoi]ee became an Attorney
of the Calcutta High Court, and he Was believed to have been the
first Indian Attorney, whereas Mr. Eamrudin lyabji was a con-
temporary of his other brother

meJans is well known Then chief purpose and effort at
pi esent must be to spread education among themselves
In this matter among their best friends have been Sii
Syed Ahmed and Justice Tyabji in doing their utmost to
promote education among them Once they bring them-
selves in education in a line with the Hindus, they have
nothing to feai They have in them the capacity, eneigy
and intellect, to hold then own and to get theu due shaie
in all the walks of life — of which the State Sei vices are
but a small part. State Services aie nob everything

"Whatevei voice I can have, I wish Government would
give every possible help to promote education among the-
Mahomedans Once self-government is attained, then will
there be pi ospeiity enough for all, but not till then The
thorough union, therefore, of all the people for their
emancipation is an absolute necessity.

All the people m then political position are in one
boat They must sink or swim together Without this
union, all eftoits will be vain There is the common say-
ing — but also the best commonaense — “ United we stand —
divided we fall ”

There is one other circumstance I may mention heie.
If I am right, I am under the impression that the
bulk of the Bengalee Mahomedans were Hindus by race
and blood only a few geneiations ago They have the tie
of blood and kinship. Even now a great mass of the Ben-
galee Mahomedans are not to be easily distinguished fiom
their Hindu brothers In many places they join together
in their social joys and sonows. They cannot divest
themselves from the natural affinity of common blood On
the Bombay side, the Hindus and Mahomedans of Gujarat
all speak the same language, Gujarati, and are of the same
stock, and all the Hindus and Mahomedans of Maharash trie

94

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOEOJT

Annan — all speak the same language, Marathi and are of
the same stock — and so I think it is all over India, except-
ing in North India wheie there are the descendants o
the oiiginal Mahomedan invadeis, but they are now also
the people of India

Sir Sjed Ahmed was a nationalist to the backbone I
will mention an incident that happened to myself with
him On his first visit to England, we happened to meet
together in the house of Sir 0 Wingfield He and his
fiiends weie waiting, and I was shown into the same room
One of his fi lends recognising me introduced me to him
As soon as he beaid my name, he at once held me in stiong
embiace and expiessed himself very much pleased In
various wa^s, I knew that his heart was in the welfare of
all India as one nation He was a large and liberal-minded
patriot. When I read his life some time ago, I was inspir-
ed with lespect and admiration for him As I cannot find
my copy of his hfe, I take the opportunity of repeating
some of his utterances which Sii Henry Cotton has given
in India of 12th October last

Mahomedans and Hindus were, he said, the two eyes of
India, Injure the one and you injure the other We should
try to beeome one m heart and soul and act in unison , if united
MB can support each other, if not. the effect of one against the’
other will tend to the destruction and downfall of both,

He appreciated when he found worth and fieely ex-
pressed it. He said —

I assure you that the Bengalees are the only people in our
country whom we can properly be pioud of, and it is only due
to them that knowledge, hbeity and patnotism have progressed in
our country I can truly say that t hey are really the head and^
orown of all the communities of Hindustan In the word " nation ”
I include both Hindus and Mahomedana, because that is the only
meaning which I can attach to it

Such was the wise and patriotic counsel of that great
man, and our Mahomedan friends will, I hope, take it to

CONSRE&S PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCDITA, 1906 95

heart. I lepeat oncemoie that oui emancipation depends
upon the thorough union of all the people of India without
any obstruction

I have often read about the question of a constitution
for the Congress I think the gentlemen who raise this
question would be the proper persons to piepare one like a
Bill in the House of Commons in all its details. The
Oongiess then can consider it and deal with it as the
majority may decide

Let every one of us do the best he can, do all in
haimony for the common object of self-government

Lastly, the question of social reforms and industiial
progress — each of them needs its own earnest body of
workers Each lequues foi it separate, devoted attention
All the thiee great purposes — Political, Social and Indus-
trial — must be set working side by side The pi ogress in
each will have its influence on the otheis But, as Mi
Morley tiuly and with deep insight says — “Political
principles aie, aftei all, the lOot of our national gieatness,
strength and hope,” and his othei important utteiance
which I repeat with this one sums up the whole position
of the Indian pi oblem He says “ The meddhng wiongly
with economic things, that is going to the very hfe, to the
veiy heart, to the very coie of our national existence ”

This meddling wiongly with economic things is the
whole evil from which India suffers — and the only remedy
for it is — “Political pi inciples aie, after all, the root of
our national greatness, strength and hope ” And these
political piineiples are summed up in self-government.
Self-government is the only and chief lemedy. In self-
government lies om hope, strength and gieatness

I recommend to your serious notice the tieatment of
British Indians in South Afiica.

sheeches oe dadabhai itaoroji

Well, ladies and gentlemen, 1 have finished my task
I do not know what good foitune may be in store for me-
duiing the shoit period that may be left to me, and if I
can leave a word of affection and devotion for my country
and countiymen, I say, be united, persevere and achieve
self-government, so that the millions now perishing by
poveity, famine and plague, and the scores of millions that
are starving on scanty subsistence may be saved, and India
may once more occupy her proud position of yore among
the greatest and civili/ed nations of the world

APPENDIX TO CALCUTTA CONGRESS
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS.

Heie I coufiue myself to some of the tlaclaiafcions
as to the duty of Libeiahsm and the absolute necessity
of seli-goveinment foi progress and pioipeiity

DliCL\RATIONS OF TIIH RlUlIT HON’UfiO SlR UeNBT

Camfjji.ll Bannerman

The Butish powei cannot theie and elsewhere lest
seouiely unless it lests upon the willing consent of a
sympathetic and contented people.

[Oiford, 2 3-im 1

It IS only by the consent of the governed that the
ISubish Nation can govern

[nhmotilh, I'l-ll-ViOl]

We Liberals are accustomed to fieedom of thought
and notion Fieedom is the breath of our life It
possesses in two of its most saoied dogmas, the only
solution of the chief problems which confiont oui coun-
try in Impel lal Policy and in legard to oui domestic
needs It is the universal doctrine of government by
assent — government with the consent of the governed
. Why there is but one cardinal condition again of
Liberal punciple — that of diieot populai control by tliose
concerned Now these aie two of the beacons by which
Liberal policy should be guided

[Natioml Liberal GUib, 5-3-1903.]

6a

OS SPEECHES ur D'VDAEHAI NAOROJi

Good go\einioen(j could 110% ei be a substitute foi
goveinment by the people themselves

[:^tnhng, ii-11-lWo]

Ladies aud geutleiueu, so much foi peace, so muoli
foi economy — two caidiml Libeial piinciples But
heie IS anothei — sell soveinment and populai contiol
and we believe in that pimciple, not only on giounds of
justice and on the giounds of effective admmistiation,
but on this other ground — that it exeicises a wholesome
mfluance on the chaiactei of the people who enjoy the
piivilege

\ilboit Hall, 21-1 ‘2-1005].

Su, in all these subjects on which I have been
touching, what is the aim to be kept in view, what is
the stai which we ought to keep oui ayes upon to see
that we aie moving in the light diiection ’ It is that
we should piomote the welfaie and happiness and 111-
teiests not of any paiticulai class 01 section of the com-
munity hut of the nation at laige That is the woik of
true patriotism, these aie the foundations upon which
a solid empire may he built

[Albeit Hall, 15-ia-1006]

Declabatiohs oe the Eig-ht Hon’ble John Mobley

Impeiiahsm by all means, if it means mercy, if it
means humanity, it it means justice, but if it means
youi own demoiiili/ation. if it means lowering your own
standaid of civilization and humanity, then m the name
of all you hold piecious beware of it and resist it

[Sydney, 25-5-1899.]

When he [Mi Gladstone] died, Lord Salisbury said
of him that he was a gieat Christian Yes, and I would

COSGRLr:.S PRESIDENTIAL ■\.DDRE‘3S, CALCOTTA T)

add that he was not a Christian foi nothing 1 think
he must often have used to liimself the language of
Woidswoith, “ Eaith is sick and heaven is weaiy of the
swollen words that States and Kingdoms uttei when
they talk of truth and justice ” lie, at all events, m
lace of all the demands of piactical politics, did his best
to bung those consideiations of tiiith and justice into
the mmdd and heaits of his oountiymen But 1 do

say that Mi Gladstone, when be saw the nations going
on a wioiig path, saw high in the heavens the flash of the
uplifted swoid and the gleam of the aim of the Avenging
Angel

[Mdticheiin — Unifilimi of hlutue, 10-10 l')01 ]

it IS this policy of passing measuies for lieland
without lefeience to the lush themselves that is le-
■'Ponsible for most of the mischief and ini8-go\einment
fiom which Ireland has so long sulieied liom
obseivation of lush Government, fiom expeiience of
lush Goveinment, fiom lesponsibihty of Irish Go%ein-
ment, I say to you, gentlemen, face to face, it is a liad
goveinment, it is a goveinment which Donation, no set
of people can be expected to enduie m peace, and it is a
government which wo in our conscience ought to do oui
veiy best, when the time comes, when oppoitunity
presents itself to put light as we have put so many otbei
ovils in our own system of goveinment light

[2Iancheste) , l;i-3-100‘2 \

With how much moie force do these words apply
to India '

We are going to have I suppose — well we may
have a proposal to suspend the constitution of the Cape
Colony Just piotuie the scene m the House of Com-

100 ai'iEcnhs (<i DvmBuvi na()R(jii

mons Tlie motion is made to pioteat against tha
su^- pension of Pailiainent,ii\ Institution in the Cape
Colonv We then all get up and we all make eloquent,
pi^bionate, argumentatne speeches in faioui of the
uglit of the Colonies to goieiii theniselvos The next
dav Ml Eedmond makes a motion in favoui of giving
self-goxeinmeiit in one shape oi anothei to Iieland
We then all pick out a new set ot aiguments What
%\as on Mondax iiuanoweiablo on Tuesday becomes not
Moith inontioning What xvas on IMonclav a saoed
piinciple of selt-goxeinment becomes on Tuesday meio
moouslmie and clap tiap That is a comedy in which
1 at least do not piopose to take pait Tlio Boeis
aie to ha\e self-goveinment in older to make them
lo\al The lush aie not to have it because tliey aie
disloyal

[Ednihurqh, J

What a tiua putuie of the way in which India is
treated •

We aie citizens, common cituens of a giand couu-
tiy , we are the hens of a noble tiadition , wa believe that
human piogiess can only be won by human effort —
and that effort, I hope, all of us m our di&eront degiees,
ages and situations will puisne with detoimmation with
unselfishnesb and with a lesolute dnectnoss and simpli-
city that must m the end win a downing viotoiy

[Nationnl Lilreml Fcdcnition, Atinnui Meotuiq,

irrj-l'lOl 1

lie was foi liberty wbeievoi they could get it

Appointment of a Royal Commission.

[The following speech was deli oered by Mi Dadabhat
Naoioji at the First Gonijiess held in Bombay, 1H85]

I had no thoaghfc of speaking on this Resolution,*
hut I see I must say something Theie is a notion
running undei some lemaiks, that if a Conseivative
Governmant appoints a Gonimiiitee, it will not be a
good one I do not think theie is any good leason foi
that assumption The Conseivatiyes are not so bad that
they will nevei do a good thing, noi ate the Libeials so
good that they nevei did a bad tiling In fact we owe
good to both, and we have nothing to do with them yet
as paities Wo aie thankful to eithei paity that does
us good The Pioclamation is the gift of a Conservative
Government I have some eipeiieace of 'aPathameut-
aiy OomiLiitteo and that Committee, 1 Libeial one ,
and yet uudei the Chaiimanship of a gentleman like
Ml. Ay i ton, you cannot be suie of a fan hearing On
the othei hand, a faii-mmded Chaiiman and similar
membeis, be they Oonseivativos oi Libeials, would make
a good Committee, and give a fan inauiiy. Much
depends upon the Secietaiy of State foi India If he is
a fau-mindel peison and not biassed in any paiticulai
way, you will have a fan Committee If we aie asking

* Jlditoluhon — That this Congress earnestly reooinmonds
that the pi oinised inquiry into the wiiknig of the Indian Ad-
ministration here and in England should be entrusted to a Roval
Coramission, the people of India being adequately represented
thereon, and evidence taken both in India and m England
2i— 7

102 SPEECHES OP D\I)\BHAI N^ORO.JI

foi a Pailiamenfcarj Committee, 's%e need not be afiaicl
of asking one fiom a Congeivative Government A
Secietaiv of State like Sn Stafford Nuithcote (Loid
Iddesleigh) will give a fair one, and we should not
assume that the piesent Secietary will not give a good
one We should only desiie that Anglo Indians may
not be put in it, or only a few such m whom Natives
have confidence In such an inquiry knglo Indian
officialb aie on then trial, and they should not be allow-
ed to sit in judgment upon themselves

Brom the rematks already made, there appeals to
be an undecidetiness, whether to ask foi a Committee, oi
for a Eoyal Commission And theie seems also a notion
undeineith that if we weie not satisfied with the one we
could ask for the otbei Now we must beai in mind
that it is not an easy thing to get a Paihamentaiy
Committee oi a Eo^al Commission, and that yon cannot
have eithei whenevei you like Do not suppose that if
we have a Committee or a Commission and if we say we
are dissatisfied with its results, we would at once get
anothei for the asking We must make up oui minds
definitely as to what we want and what would be the
best thing for us You should not leave it open whether
theie should be a Committee oi Commission Which-
ever you want, say it out once for all In dealing with
Englishmen, make up youi mmds delibeiately, speak
clearly, and work perseveringly Then and then only
can you hope to be listened to, and get your wishes
You must not show that you do not know your own
mind Therefore, know your own mmd, and say cleailj
whether you desire a Pailiamentary Committee, oi a
Eoy'al Commission, It is evidently the desiie here,
that a full.and impartial enquiry by fair and high-mmded

FIRST CONGRESS SPEECHES

103

English statesmen, with an adequate numbei of Natives
on the enquiring body, should be earned on in India
itself If so, then we must remember that a Parliament-
ary Committee can consist only of membei9’>of Pailia-
ment, and can sit in the Paiiiament House only For
our puipose to lav baie the actual conditions of India,
an inquiry / u India, in all depaitments and in the whole
condition of India— mateiial and moial— is absolutely
necessary Noenquiiyin England, and that with the
evidence of Anglo-Indians chiefly — who themselves are
on trial, and who would not naturally condemn their
own doings and work — can ever bring out the truth
about India’s true condition and wants and necessary
reforms 'We, then uiesistibly come to one conclusion,
that an enquiry lu India itself is absolutely necessary,
and that such an enquiry can be conducted by a Royal
Commission Only let us cleaily say oui mind that we
ask for a Royal Commission Do not let there be any
doubt about w'hat we do really want If I am right in
interpreting youi do:>iLe, then I sav let there be no
vague geneial resolution, but say cleaily and distinctly
that we require a Royal Commission

Refoim of Legislative Council."'

[Ike foltownii] speech was dehveted bp Me Dadabha
Ndoioji nt the Fi)st Cougtess held m Bomhiy iiS(45]

I am glad my fiiends, tbo Hou’ble Mr Telang anc
tibe Hoa’blo Mi S lyei, hava relieved me of mud
trouble, as they have anticipated a deal of what I bad tc
eay, which I need not repeat

■We asked ioi repiesentation in the Legislative Ooun'
oils of India It is not for us to teach the BnglisI
people how necessary lepiesentation is for good govein-
ment W’o have learnt the lesson fiom them, and
knowing uom them how great a blessing it is to thosG
nations who enjoy it, and how utterly un-English it is
foi theEnghsh nation to withhold it fiom us, we can,
with confidence and tiust, ask them to give us this I
do not want to com plain of the past It is past and
gone It cannot bo said now that the time is not come
to give repiesentation Thanks to our inlets them-
selves, we have now sufficiently advanced to know

« BesnluUon — That ibis Congress considers the reform and
expansion of the Supreme and evistms Legislative Councils,
by the admission of a oonsWerable proportion of elected
members (.md the creation of similar Councils for the North
West Provinces and Oudh, and also for the Punjab) essential ,
and holds that all Budgets should be referred to those
Councils for consideration, thoir memhars Demg moreover
empowered to interpellate the Executive in regard to all
branchy of the administration , and that a Standing Committee
of the House of Commons should he oonstit.itod to receive
and consider any torinal protests that may be recorded bv
majorities ot such Councils against the exercise by the
E'^eoutive of the powers, which would he vested in it of
overruling the decisions of such majorities ’

FIEST OONGRE&S SPEECHES

105

tho value of representation and to undeiscand the
necessity that representation must go with taxation, that
the taxed must have a voice in the taxation that is
imposed on them We aie British subjects, and I say
we can demand what we aie entitled to and expect still
at British hands their greatest and mo^t noble institu-
tion and heutage It is our inheiitance also and we
should not be kept out of it Why, it we aie to be
denied Biitain’s best institutions, what lood is it to
India to be undei the Biitish svv ay ’ It will be simply
another Asiatic despotism What makes us proud to be
Biitish subjects, what attaches us to this foreign rule
with deeper loyalty than oven om own past Native rule,
IS the iact that Britain is the parent of free and re-
presentative government, and, that we, as her subjects
and childien, aie entitled to inherit the great blessing
of freedom and representation We claim the inherit-
ance If not, we are not the British subjects which
the Pioolamation pioclaiins us to be — equal m rights
and privileges with the rest of Her Majestv’s subjects
We are only Butish drudges or slaves Let us per-
seveie Biitain would never be a slave and could not,
in her very natuie and instinct, mule a slave Her
greatest glory is freedom and lepiesentation, and, as
hei suhjecta, we ■shall have these blessed gifts

Coming to the immediate and practical part of oui
demand, I may say that it will be to Goveinment itself
a great advantage and lelief — advantage, inasmuch as it
will have the help of those who know the true wants of
the Natives, and in whom the Natives have confidence,
and relief so fai that the lesponsibility of legislation
will not be upon the head of Goveinment only, but
upon that of the representatives of the people also

106 SPEKCHBS OF DADABHAI NAOROJI

And the people will ha\0 to blame themselves if they
fail to send the light sort of men to represent them-
selves I think Government has now leason rather to
thank than lepel us for demanding this boon which, if
granted, will, on the one hand, make government easiei
and moie effective, and, on the othei, attach the people
to British lule more deeply than before

Our first reform should be to have the power to tax
ourselves With that and another reform for which I
shall move hereafter, India will advance m material and
moral prosperity, and bless and benefit England The
proposal about the right of inter pellation is very import-
ant, — as important and useful to Goveinment itself as
to the people The very fact that questions will be put
m the Council, will prevent in a measure that evil
which at present is beyond Government’s reach to
redress Government will be relieved of tbe odium and
inconvenience which it at present suffers from misunder-
standing and want of opportunities of giving expla-
nation The Biitish Parliament and public, and the
British Goveinment in all its departments, benefit
largely by this power of putting questions in Parliament,
and the same will be tbe result heie There will be, in
the circumstances of India, one essential difference be-
tween the British Parliament and the Indian Legislative
Councils In Parliament, the Government, if defeated,
resigns, and the opposition comes into power That
cannot be done in India Whether defeated or not,
Goveinment will remain in powei Moreover, the
Secretary of State for India will have the power to veto,
and no harm can happen If the Government, either
Provincial or Supreme, disregard the vote against it,
and if the Secretary of State support tbe disregarding

Final CONGRKSa SPEECHES

107

'Government, there will be, as a last remedy, the Stand-
ing Committee of Parliament as the ultimate appellate
body to decide on the point of disagreement , and thus
Parliament will tiuly, and not merely nominally as at®
piesant, become the final contiolling authoiity

We are Biitish subjects and subjects of the same
giacious sovereign who has pledged hei royal word that *
we aie to hei as all hei othei subjects, and we have a
light to all Biitish institutions If we are tiue to oui-
selves, and peiseveiingly adc what wo desue, the Biitish
people aie the vei> people on eaith who will give what
is light and just Fioiu what has aheady been done in
the past \ie have ample leason to indulge in this belief
Let us foi the future eijually lely on that chaiactei
and instinct of the Butish They have taught us oui
wants and they will suppK ,them

After some discussion. Ml DadabhaiNuorojisaid —
Before the Hon’ble Mr Telang replies, I m.iy ask to be
allowed to say a few words I may just explain W'hat
an iinpoitant thing this Standing Committee will be
Duiing the East India Company’s time, Pailiament was
entirely independent ot it Parliament was then tinlj
an effective appellate body It took up Indian questions
quite fieely and judged fairly, without the circumstance
of parties evei inteifeung with its deliberations If
there was a complaint against the Company, Pailiament
was flee to sit in judgment on it What is the position
since the transfer of the government to the Grown ? The
Secretary of State for India is the Parliament. Every
question in which he is concerned becomes a Cabinet
question His majority is at his back. This majority
has no concern in Indian matters further than to back
the Government, i e the Secietaiy' of State for India

108 SPEECHES or D^D\BH« NAOEOJH

All appeals, Iheiefoie, to Parliamenfi against the Secre-
tary of State become a mere farce. M, Pa are utterly
discouiaged from then luability to do anything And
the Secietary of State becomes the true Great Moghul of
India — i despotic moiiaich His \v'ill is his law Noi
can the people of India influence him, as their voice is
not lepiesented in Parliament Thus, that tribunal can
scarcely exeicise any effectual check over his despotism.
The present legislatne machineiy, from the Local coun-
cils upwards, is simply a device to legalise despotism
and give it the false mask of constitutionalism The tax-
payers have no voice in the imposition of the taxes they
pay, and Pailiament has not the oMity to pi event the
levy of unfan oi oppiessne tax.’tion The ultimate
controlling'authoiitj seems helpless to oontiol anything
Now if we have complete lepiesentativa legislation here,
and if we have a Standing Committee m Paihament, we
shall have both the voice of the taxed on the one side
and effectual contiol of Parliament on the other Such
a Standing Committee will natuially be independent of
all parties Its decision will be no defeat of Government
It will he simply a final decidon on the point of differ-
ence that may have aiisen between the representatives
of the people m India on the one hand, and the Govern-
ment on the other, on any paiticulai question India
will thus have an effectual paihamentaiy control

It IS said we should propose something as a substi-
tute for the present India office Council The Eesolution
now before the Congiess makes this unnecessary. The
Council, when it was established, was considered to be
protective of Indian mteiests It has not proved so
When it suits the Seoretaiy of State, he screens himself
behind that Council When it does not suit him, he

FIHST CONGRESS SPEECHES JO'3

tlingB fcho Oouncil aside We ha\o no means oi knowing
what good at all is done by the Council. Its iiiesponbi
bility and its seciecy are fatal objections to its continu
ance Such a thing m the Go\einment of an Biupiie of
200 millions of people and unuoi the Biiti&h is an utter
and ine\plicable anachionism Moieoiei, the maiority
of the Council consists of Anglo Indians These, sitting
in judgment on their own hand-r'ork, natuially legard
it as peifoct Having left India years ago, they fail to
loalise the lapid changes that aie taking place heie m
our oucumstauces, lo^e touch with us and oilei resist-
ance to all piogiess Times ne nou changed The
natives. I may say, haie come of age They can lepre
sent directly tlieir wishes and views to the Government
here, and to the Secietaij of State They do not
require the aid of this Council at the India Office for
then bo-called repiesent.ition oi piotection

I may horo lemailc, that the chief woik of thu the
fiisfc National Congress of India is to enunciate clearl>
and boldly oui highest and ultimata wishes Whether
wa get them or not immediately, lot our luleis know
what our highest aspiiations aie And if we aie true
to ourselves, the woik of each delegate piesant here will
be to make the part ot India wheie he happent. to live
devote itself earnestly to canying out the objects
resolved upon at this Congiess with all due delibeiation
If, then, we lay down cleaily that wa desire to have the
actual Government of India tiansfeiiad fiom England
to India undei the simple contiollmg powoi of thu
Secretary of State, and of Parliament, through its
Standing Committee, and that we fuithei desire that
taxation and legislation shall be imposed here by re-
piesentative Councilb, w'O say what we aie aiming at

110 SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI

And undei such an auangement no Council to adviae the
Seciefcai> of State is necessary Neither is a Council
needed to attend to the appellate executive -work There
IS a peimanent Undei-Secietaiy of State who will be
Tible to keep up continuity of knowledge and tiansact all
cuiient business Theie are, besides, Secretaiies at
the head of the diEfeient depaitmeuts as expeits I do
not deny that at times the India Office Council has
done good seivice But this was owing to the personal-
ity and b> mpathv of individual men like Sir B Perry
The constitution of the body as a body is objectionable
and anomalous When the whole powei of imposing
taxation and legislation is tiansteired heie, the woik of
the Secietaiy of State will be laigely diminished It
will only be confined to geneial supei vision of important
matteis Whatevei comes befoie him foi disposal will
be set forth liy the Government fiom here fully and
fauly in all its beaimgs No Council will be needed
to aid him in loinimg Ins judgment Thus no substitute
13 lequiied foi the India Oliice Council It is enough
for us to formulate the scheme, now submitted foi youi
eonsideration, as one which India needs and desues,
VIC , lepiesentative Legislative Councils in India, with
full financial control and interpellatoiy poweis And
we shall not need to trouble much the authorities
in England

Simultaneous Examinations in England
and India

The Hon’ble Mr Dadabhai Naoioji, m moving the
louith Eesolution,’' said — The Eesolution which I am
niopoqmg does, not m any way involve the question
whether the distinction between the covenanted and un
coienanted bervioes, should be abolished oi not That is a
sepal ate question altogethci , and in fact, if my Eesolution
13 adopted that question will become unuecessaiy oi \ery
suboidmate The Eesolution which I piopose to jou is
of the utmost possible luipoitance to India It is the
most impoitant bey to oui mabeiial and moral advance
ment All oui othei political refoinio will benefit us
but veiy little indeed it this letoun of all lofoims is not
made It is the question of poveitj oi pio^peiity It is
the question of life and death to India It is the oue;,-
tion of questions Foitunatelj, it is not iiecessaiv for
me on this occasion to go into all its merits, 13 I hope
* " That m the opinion of thu Congress the Competitive
Examinations now held in England, tor hrst appointments m
various Civil departments ot the public service, should hence-
forth in aoooidance with the views ot the ludia Office Com-
mittee ot 1860, ‘be held simultaneously, one m England and
one in India, both being as far as piatioaole identical lu their
nature, and those who compete in both countiies being finally
classihed in one list accoiding to merit,’ and that the success-
tul candidates in India should be sent to EngUnd foi further
study, and subjected theie to such further exaniinttaons as
may seem heedful Further, that all othei hrst appointments
(excluding peonships md the lure) should be filled by oompeti-
tive examinations held m India, under conditions calculated
to secure such mtolleotual, moral and physical qualifications
as may be decided by Government to be necessary Lastly,
that the maximum age ot candidates for entrance into the
Covenanted Civil rervice be raised to not less than 23 years "

112

SPBBCHLP OP DADABHAI NAOBOJI

yon aio all aheady -well aviaie of mi views and then
ieason&, oi ifc would have been veiy difficult toi me to
lay hofoie you all I should have had to say without
^peakmg foi houi^, Theie is an additional j'ood foitune
foi mr that what I want to piopose was aheady pioposed
a quaiter of a cental y ago by no less an authority than a
Committee of the India Office itself The lepoit of this
Committee gives the whole mattei m a nutshell fiom the
point of the view ot lustice, right, expediency and honest
fulhiment of promises And the leasons given by it for
the Coienanted Civil Service apply equally to all the
othei services in the civil depaitment I do not lefer to
the milibaiv soi vice in this Resolution, as that is a mattei
reqiiiimg special consideration and tieatment. To make
mv lemarks as buef ,is possible, as we are much pressed
for time, I shall fiist at once read to you the estiaot
fiom the lepoit of the Committee consisting of Sir J P
Willoughbv, Ml Mangles, Mi Aibuthnot, Mi Mac-
naughten, and Sii Eiskine Poiry

The report, dated 20th January, 1860, says —

“2 We are, 111 the first place, unanimously of opinion
that it IS net only 3ust but eapedient that the Natives of India
Shall be employed in the adinmistratioii of India to as large
an extent as possiole consistently with the maiutenanoe of
British suprotnaoy, and have considered whether any increased
facilities can he given in this direction

“ 3 It is true that, even at present, no positive disquali-
hcatioi! eiists By Act 3 and 4. Wm 4, C 83, S 87, it is
enacted ‘that no Native of the said territories nor an>
natural born sulpect ot His Majestv resident therein, shall, by
reason (fcnly of liis religion, place ot birth, descant, colour or
any of them, bo disabled from holding any place, ofBoe or
oniployiiiert under the slid Company" It is obvious there-
fore that when the competitive system was adopted it oould
not haiebeen intended to exclude Natives of India from the
Civil bervice of India.

4 Practicallv however, they are excluded The law
declares them eligible, but the difficulties opposed to a Native

FIRST COUaBESS SPEECHES 113

leaving India, and residing in England foi a time, are so great
that as a general rule, it is almost impossible for a Native
suooessfullv to compete at the periodioal examination held in
England Were this ineiiiality removed, we should no longer
be exposed to the chaige of keeping promise to the ear and
breaking it to the hope

“ 5 Two modes have been suggested by whicli the object
m view might be attained The hrst is bv allotting i certain
puition ot the total number ot appoiut iients declaied m each
year to oo competed lor in Indi i by Native ^ and by other
natural-born subjects of Hot Majesty s resident in India
The second is, to hold simultaueousb two e ^ainin itioiis, one
111 England and one m India, both being, as tai as practio -ble
identical in then nature, and those who compete in both
countries being finally olissihed m one list according to merit
by the Oivil oorvice Coinmusioneis The Coniuiittee ha 'e no
hesitation in giving the pietereiico to the second soueiue, as
being the tairest, and the most m accordance ith the princi-
ples of a geneial competition tor a common object "

Now accoitliiig to stuct light and justice the
esatninatioa foi sei vices in India ought to take place in
India alone The people of \ustialia, Canada and the
Cape do not go to England foi then sci vices. \Vhy should
Indians be compellod to go to England to compete foi
the SOI vices, unless it be England’s despotic will But
I am contiout to ptopoae the Eesolutiou aocoiJiiig to the
views of the Oomiinttee foi simultaneous examiu.itions,
both ill England and m India, and leasoiis that apply
to the Civil Service apply equally well to the other
services in the Civil Depaitmant, i>i" , Engineering,
Medical, Telegraph, Eoiest, and so on

1 may heie lemiiul vou that in addition to the det
of 1833 ratal rad to by the Committee, w a have the solemn
promises contained in the Pioclamition of out gianous
Sovereign. The fact is told to us in unmistakable lan-
guage — '

" We hold ourselves bound to the Natives of our Indian
terntoues by the same obligations ot duty which bind us to all

114 SPEECHES OP DAD^BHAI NAOROJI

our other suojects , and those obligations, by the blessing of
Almighty God, we shall faithfully and conscientiously fiilhl ’

And then they declaied hei giacious piomise speci-
ficahy on this veiy part of the sei vices —

"And it IS our furthar mil that so far as may be, om
subjects of \vh itever race or creed ne freely and iinpartially
admitted to offices in our seivice, the duties of which they
may he uualifiod, by then education, ability and integrity, duly
to discharge ”

This giacious pioclamatiou and the promises con-
tained theiein weie made known in 1858 And the
India Office Committee showed, in 1860, in what way
these promises could be fulfilled, so as to relieve the
English nation from ‘‘ the chaige of keeping promise to-
the Odi and bieaking it to the hope ” With the Act
of Paihamenb of 1833, the solemn promises of 1858,
of our Soveieign before God and man, and the declara-
tion by the India Olfice of the mode of fulfilling those
promises in 1860, it is hardly necessary for me to say
moie Out case foi the Resolution pioposed by me is
complete As a mattei of fustice, solemn promises and
even expediency, I would have ended my speech hete,
but my object in pioposmg this Resolution rests upon a
fai highei and a most impoitant consideration The
question of the extreme poverty of India is now no more
a contioversial point Viceroys and Finance Mmisteis
have admitted it The last official declaration by Sir
E Baring is complete and unequivocal In his budget
speech of 18th Match, 1882, he saM —

‘‘ It has been calculated tint the aveiage income pei head
oi population in India is notniore thanRs 27 a yoir, and
chough I a.n not prepared to pledge myself to the absolute
accuracy of a calculation ot this sort, it is sufficiently accurate
to justify the conclusion that the taxpaying community is
exceedingly poor To derive any very large increase of
revenue from so poor a population as this is obviously im-
possible, and, if It w ere possible, would be unjustifiable ”

FIRST COUGEESS ftPEBCHES,

115

Again, in the discussion on the budget, aftei repeat-
ing the above statement legaiding the income of Es 27
pel head pei annum, he said —

“But he thought it was quite sufficient to show the extreme
poverty ot the mass of the people In England the average
inoome per head ot population was £33 per head, in France it
was £23 , m Turliey, i^hich was the poorest country in Europe,
it was £1 per head Ho avould ask. Honorable members to
think how Rs 27 per annum was to support a person, and
then ho would ask whether a few annas was nothing to such
pool people ’’

With this emphatic and cleai opinion befoie you, I
need not say moie The question is what is the cause
of this poveity ’ I have shown in my papeis on the
poverty of India, and in my coiiespondence with the
Secretaiy of State foi India, that the sole cause of this
extreme poveity and wietchedness of the mass of the
people is the inoidinate employment of foieign agency
in the government of the countiy and the consequent
mateiul loss to and diain from the country I request
those who have not already seen these papers to read
them, foi it Is utterly impossible for me to go thiough the
whole aigumont here Tt'^vill be, theietoie. now deal
to you that the employment of Native agency is not
merely a matter ot lustice and espediency, according to
the views of the India Olhco Committee, but a most
absolute necessity for the pool, suffering, and starving
millions of India It is a question of life and death to
the country The present English lule is no doubt the
gieatest blessing India has evei had, but this one e\il of
it nullifies completely all the good it has achieved
Eemove but this one evil, and India will be blessed in
every way and will be a blessing to England also m
every way The commeice between England and India
will increase so that England will then be able to benefit

116

SPEECHES OP DADABHAI N^-OBOJI

herself tea times more by India’s prosperity than wha
she does now Thera will be none of the oonstan
struggle that is at present to be witnessed between th
luleisandthe ruled — the one screwing out more am
mote taxes, like squeezing a squeezed orange — mflictin
-,utteiing and distress, and the other always crying itsel
hoarse about its inability to piovide them owing to es
treme poveity By the removal of the evil— India wil
be able not merely to supply a revenue of £70,000,OOC
but £170,000,000, with ease and comfort Bnglam
takes over .10 shillings a head for hei revenue, why ina;
not India under the same rule be able to take even 2'
a head ^ Indians would easily pay £200,000,000.
should stop now I hope you will see that this Eesolu
tion IS of the gioatest possible importauce to India, am
I imploie every one of ou pigsent hen. to-day to stiaii
every nerve and work persevermgly in your lespectiv
localites to attain this object With regard to the secom
pait of the Eesolutiou, the uncovenautad services, thi
same reasoning and noccssib apply A fair system o
competition, testing all neceslriy qualifications — monta!
moral and physical — will be tlie most suitable mode o
supplying the seivices with the besc and most oligibl
seivants, and leheve Government of all the pressuie o
back door and private influences, and jobbeiy

The subject of the age of candidates for the Oivi
Seiviee examination needs no lengthoned remaiks fror
me It has been only lately thiashed out, and it has bee
established bey ond all doubt that the higher age will giv
you a superior class of men, whether English or Native
I conclude, theiefore, with the earnest exhoitatioi
that you will all apply yourselves vigorously to ftee poo
India fiom the great evil of the dram on her resources

FIRST CONGRESS SPBRCHKS

117

If the Bnfcish will onte undeistancl oui tiue condi-
iion, then conscientious desiie to lule India for India’s
ind humanity's good, will never allow the evil to continue
iny longer Lastly, 1 hope and tiust that oui lulers
will leceive oui repiO'^entations in their piopei spiiit
We sinceiely believe that the good we pioposo for oui-
lelves is also a good foi them Whatever good they
will do to us cannot but in the veiy nature of things be
jood to them also The better we are in niateiial and
moial prosperity the nioio grateful, attached and loyal
we shall be, the worse we are the less oui gratitude and
loyalty shall naturally be The more prospeious we are,
the larger shall he then custom , the worse we are, the
condition will be the leveise The question of our
piospeiity IS as much the question of the prospeiity of
England and hei workingmen England’s tiade would
le emiohed by £250,000,000, il with oui piospoiity each
■init of the Indian population is e\er able to bu> from
England goods worth only £1 pei annum What is want-
id IS the fructihcation m our own pocket ol oui annual
iroduoe I repeat that it is my hope and tiust that
3U1 lulers may leceive out piayers m then right spiiit
ind do us all the good in then power, for it will
ebound to their good name, honoui and everlasting
^loiy Let us have the Eoyal Pioclamation inlfilled in
ts true spirit and integrity and both England and India
will be benefited and blessed

With these observations I bog to piopose the Eoiubb
Resolution

The Hon ble blr Dadabliai Naoroji, m reply to the
Iiscussion, said — I am glad I have not much to leply to
The appreciation of the importance of the Eesolution is
ilear. My lemaiks will be more as explanations of a few
24-8

118 SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOEOJI

mafcteis I had much to do with tho passing of the
clausa for granting to us the Statutory Civil Soivice
It IS an impoitanl coucebsion, and we have to be very
giatefnl foi it I need not heie go into its hiatoiy The
statesmen in England who gave us this weie siucore and
svplicit in the m’ltei Whatevei complaint we have,
it IS with the authoiifcies heie First of all, aftoi the
clause was passed, the Government of India entirely
ignoied it and did nothing to gue it effect for 6 yeais !
It was only when piessuie was applied to it fiom Eng-
land, into the details of which this is not the time oi
place for me to entoi, that the necessary lules wore
at last piep.iied and published These rules have been
so drafted that they may be cauied out in a way to
hung discredit on the Seivice And whether this is
done intentionally oi not, whether the subaeiiuent objec-
tionable action upon it was also intentional or nob, I
cannot say Eut the most impoitant element in the
caiiymg out of tins clause was partially or wholly
Ignored, and that has bean the leal cause of its so-called
failuie, — I mean educational competence, ascertained
either by suitable competition, Oi pioved ability, was an
absolutely indispensable condition foi admitting candi-
dates to this service It is just this essential condition
that has been seaeial times ignoied oi forgotten Let
therefore your efforts be devoted stionuously not against
the clause itself, but against the objectionable mode in
which the nominations are made The Bengal Govern-
ment has moved m a satisfaotoiy dii action, and its
O’Sample should be followed by all the Governments It
uill be tho height of folly on oui pait to wish the aboli-
tion of this Statutory Civil Service — excepting only when
simultaneous examinations are held m England and

FIBST CONGP.ESS SI’ESOHES

119

India giving a fair field to all, as proposed in the present
Eesolutiou In this fan competition, Eui'isiana, or domi-
ciled Englishmen, in fact all subjects of Her Impeiial Ma-
jesty, will have equal justice I undeistand that the Eu-
rasians aud domiciled Anglo- In Jiu,ns come under the
dehmtion of what is called “Statutoiy Natives” It 13
only light that those whose countiy is India should be
consiuGied as Natives, and should enjoy all the rights and
privileges of Natives United action between the Natives
and Euiasians and domiciled Anglo-Indians will be good
foi all What is objectionable is, that Euiasians and
domiciled A.uglo-Indiaus blow hot and cold at the same
time At one moment they claim to be Natives, and at
another thev spuin the Natives and cbim to beEngiiah-
men 1 Common sense must tell them that this is an
absurd position to tiLe no and muA ultimately do them
moio haim than good I dosired tint tluro should be
cordial union between all whose couiniy is, 01 who
make thou country, India One of tho spsikers romaik-
ed that the employment of Natives will bo economical
This IS a point which I am afiaid is not oleaily unJei-
stood The fact is that the employment of a Native 13
not only economy, but coiiiAete gam to the whole
aa.t 6 at of his sa,Kuy When a Buiopoan is employed,
he displaces a Natiie whom nature intended to fall the
place The Native coming m his place is uatmal
Evoiy pie ho eats is theiefoie a gam to the countiy, and
every pie he saies 13 so much saved to tho country foi
the use of all it 3 *childr 6 n Eioiy pie pail to a foi-
eignor is a comph'e ma^e) nil ‘'ois to tho countiy Eveiy
pie paid to a Native is a complete material laving to the
country. In fact, as I have already endeavoured to
impress upon you as earnestly as possible, it is the

120 SPEECHES OF DA.DA.EU'VI N\OHOJI

whole ouestion of the poveity oi piospenty of the
countiy We should of couise pay a reasonable puce
foi English rule, so that we may have the highest power
of contiol and supervision in English hands, but beyond
that IS simply to lum India and not such a benelit to
England as she would otherwise have, were India a
prosperous countiy Oui fiieud theie expressed some
doubt about the necessity of going to England I say
without the least hesitation that the candidate himself
as well as the seivice will he vastly benefited by a visit
to England The atmospheie of fieedom and high
civilization which he will breathe will make him an
alteied man — in character, in intelligence, in expeiienoe,
in self-respect and in appieciation of due respect for
otheis In short, he will largely inciease his fitness
and command more lespect in his lesponsible service,
I mean, of course, in the Eesolution that the expenses
of such visits to England by the candidates who have
successfully passed the diffeient examinations for the
different services in India, should be paid from the
pubho revenue It may be made clear m the Eesolution,
by adding “ at the public expense”

I conclude with my most anxious and earnest exhoi -
tation to this Congress, and to every individual membei
of it, that they should perseveimgly strain eveiy nerve to
secure the all-important object of this Eesolution as early
as possible Once this foreign dram, this “ bleeding to
death,” is stopped, India will be capable, by reason of its
land, laboni audits vast resources to become as prospei-
ous as England, with benefit to England also and to
mankind, and with eternal gloiy to the English name
and nation

SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS

Maiden Speech.

the 9th Aiir/uU, 1H9?, Mt Nuoioji made Ins
maiden speech ui the House of Gammons, durinq the de
hide on the address to the Qmen\

It ina> be consitleied lathei labh and unwise on
pait to stand before thi^ House so immediately aftei my
admission beio and only excuse is that I am undei
a caitain necessity to do so election for an English
oonstituouov is a unique event Foi the hrst time din-
ing moia thin a centiuy of settled Biitish rule, an
Indian is admitted into the House as a member foi an
English oonstituenci That, ns I have said, is a unique
event in the histoiy ol India, and, I may also lentuie
to m the histoiy of the Biitish Empue 1 desue to
say a few woids in analysis of this gient and wonderful
phenomenon The spiiit of the British lule, the instinct
of Biitish justice and geneiosity, irom the veiy com-
mencement, when thej' seriously took the matter of
Indian policy into then hands, about the beginning of
this century, decided that India was to be governed on the
lines of Biitish fieedora and justice Steps were taken
without an> hesitation to intioduce Westain education,
civilisation, and political institutions in that country
and the result was that, aided by a noble and grand
language in which the youth of that countiy began to be
educated, a great movement of political life — I may sav
new life— was infused into that country which had been

122 SPKECH'ES OF DADA13HAI NAOROJI.

decaying for ceutui^es ITho British lulors of the country
endowed it with dll their own most important privileges
A few clays ago, hii, you demanded from the Thiono the
piivileges which belong to the people, including fieedom
of speech, foi which they fought and shed their blood
That fieedom of speech you have given to us, and it
enables Indians to stand before you and represent m
clear and open language any desiie they have felt By
conferring those privileges you have piepared for this
final result of an Indian standing before you in this
House, becoming a member of the great Imperial Pailia-
ment of the Biitish Empiio, and being able to express
his views openly and feailessly befoie you. The gloiy
aud Cl edit of this gieat event — by which India is thrilled
fiom one end to the othoi — of the new life, the ]oy, the
ecstacy of India at the present moment, are all your
own , it 18 the spiiit of Biitish institutions and the love
of justice and freedom m British instincts which has
pioduced this extiaoidinaiy result, and I stand here in
the name of India to thank the Butish people that they
have made it at all possible foi an Indian to occupy this
position, and to speak fieely in the English language
of any grievance which India may bo suffering under,
with the conviction that though he stands alone, with
only one vote, whenever he is able to bring forward any
aspiration and is supported by just and proper reasons,
he will find a large number of other members from
both Bides of the House ready to support him and give
him the justice he asks This is the conviction which
permeates the whole thinking and educated classes of
India It 18 that conviction that enables us to work on,
day after day, without dismay, for the removal of a
grievance The ctuestion now being discussed before the-

SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE OE COMMONS 123

House will come up from time to time m practical shape
and I shall then be ablo to espiess my liumble views up-
on them as a representative of the English i^onstituency
of Central Emsbm f I do not intend to eutei into them
now. Central Ein&buiy has earned the everlasting
giatitude of the millions of India, and has made itself
famous m the Histoiy of the Biitish Empire, by electing
an Indian to repiesent it Its name will novel ha
forgotten by India This event has stiengtlieucd the
British power and the loyalty and attachment of India
to lb ten times moie than the sending out of one
hundred thousand Euiopean soldieis would have done
The moral force to which the Eight Hon'lile Gentle-
man, the memboi foi Midlotbian (lih W E Gladstone),
refeired is the golden Imk liy which India is held by
the British powei So long vs I ndia is -satisfied with
the justice and honoui ol Butain, so long will hei
Indian Bmpue last, and I have not the least doubt that,
though our progress mav be slow and we may at times
meet with disappointments, if we peisevero, whatever
justice wo ask m leasoii wa shall get I thank you,
Sir, for allowing me to say these few words and the
House for so indulgently listening to me, and I hope that
the connection between England and India — which
forms five sixths of the Briti-sh Empire — may continue
long with benefit to both conntues There will be
ceitam Indian questions, principally of administration,
which I shall have to lay before the House, and I am
quite sure that when they aie biought forward they
will be fairly considered, and if reasonable amended to
our satisfaction

AN INQUIRY INTO THE CONDITION
OF INDIA.

AMENUMIiNT FOR A FULti ‘VND INDEPENDENT
PARLI\MENT'VRY ENQUIRY

August 14tli, 18'J4

Ml Naoioji (Pmsbuiy, Genkal) said he uuJeitook
now to second this Eesolution, and befoie going into the
subject ot the different uarts of which it consisted he
would say a lew pielimmaiy words The Government
of India distinctly admitted and knew very well that
the educated people ot India weie thoioiighly loyal
The Hon’ble Member foi Kingston (Sir E Temple) had
stated that the state of the country and ot the people
often invited oi demanded criticism on the pait of the
Natives It was in every way desirable that their senti-
ments and opinions should bo made known to the luling
classes, and such outspoken frankness should never
be mistaken for disloyalty or disaffection Nothing
was nearer to his (Mr Naoroji’s) mind rhan to make
the fullest acknowledgment of all the good that had been
done by the connexion of the British people with India
They had no complaint against the British people and
Parliament They had from them everything they
could desire It was against the system adopted by the
British Indian authorities in the last century and main-
tained up till now% though much modified, that they
protested. The fiist point in the Motion was the condi-
tion of the people of India In order to understand fully
the piesenb condition of the people of India, it was neces-

bPEBCHES IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS

^ai V I/O have a sort of sketch of the past, and he would
give it as buefly as possible In the last century the
Administration was everything that should not be desired
He would give a few extiacts trom latteis of the Couit
of Duectors and the Bengal Government In one of the
letters the Directois said (Hth of imbiuaiy, 1764) —
“Your dehheiations on the inUnd trade have laid open to
us a goeue of most cruel oppression , the poor of the country,
who used always to deal m salt, beetlenut, and tobacco, are
now depr.ved of their daily bread by the trade of the Euro-

Loid Clive wiote TiTtli of Apiil, 1760) —

'The contusion we behold, 'that doe-, it arise troiiiV—
rapacity and luxury, the uin.arianttble desire of many to
acquiie in an instant yvhiit only a few can or ought to possess

Anothei lettei of Loid Clive to the Couit of Direc-
tois said (30th of Septembei, 1705) —

“It IS no wonder that the lust, of riches should readds
embrace the proffered means of its gratification or that the
instruments of your power should asail themselves of their
lutbority and proceed even to extortion in those oases vhero
simple corruption could not keep pace with their rapacitv
Examples of this sort set hv superiors could not f,ul ot being
followed in a proportionate degiee by inferiors, the evil was
contagious, and spread among the civil and military down to
the writer, the ensign, and the free merchant ’’

Ha would read one inoie extiact tiom a lattei of the
Court of Directors (17th ot Max, 1766) —

“ We must add that we think the vast fortunes aonuired m
the inland trade have been obtained by a scone of the most
tvranniq and oppressive conduct that over was known in any
age or country '

Macaulay had summed up —

“ A war ot Bengalees against Englishmen was like a war of
sheep against wolves, ot men against demons The

business of a servant of the Coinpanv was simply to /vring/
out of the Natives a hundred or two hundred thousand pounds/
as speedily as possible ’

Such was the chaiactei of the Govoinnient aud the

126

SPEECHES OP DADABHAI NAOEOJI

Admitnsfciation m the last century , when all this was
disclo'^ed by the Committee of 1772, of couise, change
was made, and a change foi the bettei He would now
give the opinion of Anglo-Indian and English statesmen,
and the House would observe that he did not say a single
woid as to what the Indians themselves said He put
his case before the House in the ivords of Anglo-Indian
and Enghsh statesmen alone , some of them had express-
ed groat indignation with usual British feeling against
wiong doing, others had evpiessed themselves much
more moderately. Sii John Shore was the first person
who gave a oleai piophetio foiecast of the ohaiacter of
this system and its effects as early as 1787 He then
said (Eet .j77 of 1812) —

“Whatever allowance we may make for the inoreised
induativ of tte Buhjocti, of the State, owing to the enhanced
demand lur the produce ot it (supposing the demand to be
enhanced), there is leason to conclude that the benefits are
more than counterbalanced by evils inseparable from the sys-
tem of a remote foreign dominion ’’

The words were tiue to the present day In 1790
Lord Cornwallis said, m a Minute, that the heavy dram
of wealth by the Comxiany, with the addition of remit-
tances of private fortunes, was sevaiely felt in the lan-
guor thrown upon the cultivation and commeice of the
country In 1823 Sir Thomas Munro pointed out that
weie Britain subjugated by a foieign Power, and the
people excluded from the govemment of their country,
all then knowledge and all their liteiature, sacred and
profane, would not save them from becoming in a gener-
ation or two to a low-minded, deceitful, dishonest race
Ludlow, in his British India, said —

“ As respects the general oondition of the country, let us
first recolieet what sir Thomas Munro wrote years ago, * that
even il we could be secured ag-imst every internal commotion

SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE OE COMMONS

127

and could retain the country quietly in subjection, he doubted
much if the condition ot the people would bo better than under
the Native Prinoeb that the inhabitantt. of the British Provin-
ces were ‘ certainly the most abject race m India ’ , that the
consequences of the conquest ot India by the British arms
would be, in place ot raising, to debi,ae the whole people ’

Macaulay, in introclucing the elause of our equality
with all British subjects, oui fit at Chartei of out
emaucipation in the Bill of 1833, saul m his famous and
statesmanlike speech —

“That would, indeed be a doting wisdom which, in order
that India may remain a dependency which would

keep a hundred millions ot men trom being our customers m
order that they might continue to be oui sahos ”

And to illustiate the chaiactei or tho existing
system, he said

“ It was, au Bernier tells us, the practice of the miserable
tyrants whom ho lOiind in India when they dreaded the capa-
city and spirit ot some distinguished subject, and yet could
not ventme to murder him, to administer to hii i a oaily dose
of the pousta, i pieparation ot opium, tl e effect of which was
in a few months to destioy all the bodilj and mental powers
of the wretch who was drugged with it and to turn him inf i a
helnless idiot This detestable artihce, more horrible than
dssaosination itso'f, V is worthy of those who emploied it It
IS no inouel for the English nation We shall nevci consent
to administer the pousta to a v hole conimunitj— to srupify
and paraljse a great people whom God has committed to our
charge— for the wretched, purpose of rendering them more
amen iblo to our ootitrol ’

In a speech (19th of February, 1S44) ho said —

Of all forms of lyianny I believe that the worst is that
of a nation over a nation ”

Lord Lansdowiie, lu mtioduoitig the same clause of
the Bill of 1833 into the House ot Loids, pointed out
that he should be taking a very narrow view of this
question, and one utterly inadequate to the great im-
portance of the subject, which involved m it the happi-
ness or misery of 100,000,000 of human beings, v?ere he
not to call the ^attention of their Loidships to the

128

SPEBCUJib OF OADABHAI NAOROJI

beaiing wlucli tins question, and to the influence 'which
this anangement must exeiciseupon the future destinies
of that V ist mass of people With such high sense of
statesmanship and lesponsibility did Loid Lansdowne of
18j‘l bieak our chains The Indian authoiities, how-
evei, nevei allowed those bioken chains to fall from oui
body, and the grandson — the Loid Lansdowne of 189.1
— now iivetteJ back those chains upon us Look upon
this pictuie and upon that ' And the Indians were
now ]ust the same Biitish slaves, instead of British sub-
jects, as tho> N/eie befoie then emancipation in 1838
Mr Montgouneiy Maitin, aftei examining the leooids
of a suivev of the condition of the people of some
Provinces ot Bengal oi Behai, whioh had been made foi
nine jeai-. fiom 1807-16, concluded — ■

‘ It impossible to avoid remarking two facts as pecu-
liarlv striking First, the richness of the country surveyed,
ami, second, the poverty of its inhabitants ’

He gate the leason for these striking facts He
said —

“The annual dram of i3, 000, 000 on British India has
amounted m 30 jearsatlJ percent (the usual Indanratel
compound interest to the enormous sum of £733,900,000
sterung bo constant and accumulating a drain, even m
England would soon impoverish her How severe, then,
must be its effects in India where the wage of a labourer is
from 2(f to 6d a day ’’

The diam at present was seven times, if not ten
times, as much Mr Fredeiick Shore, of the Bengal
Civil Service, said, in 1837 —

'But the halcyon-days of India are over She has been
drained oi i large proportion of the wealth she once pcssessed,
and her energies have been cramped by a sordid system of
misrule to which the interests of millions have been sacrificed
mr the benaht of the lew The fundamental principle of the
English had been to make the whole Indian nation subsei vient
iu every possible wav to the interests and benefits ot them-

svasonES in the iiouhE or commons 129

And he summaiised thus —

‘ The auramary was that the British Imliari governiiient had
been praotioally one of the most extortionate ami oppressive
that ever existed in India Some acknowledged this and obser-
ved that it was the unavoidable result of foreign yoke That
this was correct regarding a Government conducted on the
pniiiciples which had hitherto actuated us was too lanientably
tiue, but had the welfare of the people ueeii our object, a
very different oouise would ha\e been adopted, and very
different results would have followed For again and again I
repeat that there was nothing in the cuoum, stance itself oi
our being foreignois of different colour and faith that should
occasion the people to hate us We might thank ourselves
foi having made their feelings towaids us what they were
Had we acted on a more liberal plan we should have hxed
our authority on a ranch more solid foundation ’

Aftei giving some nioie similai authorities Hir E
Temple and others, the Hon’ble Gentleman pioceedeil
Ml Blight, speaking in the House of Commons in 1K5R
said —

“ We must III future have India governed, not lor a handful
of Englishmen, not for that Civil borvico whoso praises are so
constantly sounded m this House You may govern India, )i
\ou hko, for the good of England but the good of England
must come through the channels of the good ol India There
ire luit two modes of gaming anj thing 1 )> our conn.- viou with
India — the one IS by p'undermg the people of Indn, ind the
other b> trading with them I pietcr to do it bj trading with
them But in order that Sngland niaj become ri< Ii by trading
with India, ludia itself must become rich

Hu George Wingate, with his intimate .tuiuamiance
with the condition of tlie people of India, as the intio
ducei of the Bombay land survey system, pointed out,
with leference to the economic effects upon the condi-
tion of India, that tanes spent in the coiintiy fiom which
they were laised weie totally diffeient m their effect
fiom taxes raised in one country and spent in anotbei
In the foimer case the taxes collected from the popula-
tion were again returned to the mdustiial classes . but
the case was wholly diffeient when taxes weie not spent

130

SPEEOHIiS OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

m the countij fiom which they weie raised, as they
constituted an absolute loss and extinction of the whole
amount vnthdiawn from the taiced country , and he
s'‘id, fuithei, that such was the natuie of the tribute
the Jjiitish had so long exacted fiom India — and that
with this explanation some faint conception may he
formed of the ciuel, crushing effect of the tribute upon
India — that this tribute, whether weighed in the scales
of Juitioe or viewed in the light of the British interests,
would be found to be at variance with humanity, with
common sense, and with the received maxim of econo-
mical science Wi I'awcett quoted Lord Metcalf (6th
May, ISGH), that the bane of the British-Indian system
was, that the advantages were lerped by one class and
the woil was done by anothei This havoc was going on
increasing up to the present day Loid Salisbuiy, in a
Minute [Eet e 3080-1 of 18811 , pointed out that the in-
jury wai oxaggeiatod in the case of India, where so much
of the revenue was exported without a direct equivalent
— that as India niust he bled, the lancet should be duect-
ed to the parts whore the blood was congested or at
least suflicient, not to the rural districts which were
already feeble fiom the want of blood This bleeding of
India must cease Lord Haitmgton, the Duke of
Devonshiie, doclaied (23id August, 1883) that India was
insufficiently governed, and that if it was to bo better
governed, that could only be done by the employment
of the best and most intelligent of the Natives m the
Service and he further advised that it was not wise to
drive the people to think that their only hope lay in get-
ting lid of their English rulers Lastly, with regard to
the present condition of India, and even serious danger to
British power, a remarkable confirmation was given, after

SPREOHBS IN THE HOUSE OS' COMMONS 131

a bundled yeais, to Sir John Shore’s prophecy of 1787,
by the Senetary of State for India in 1886 A letlu ot
the India Office to the Treasury said (Eet c 1868 of
1886) —

“ TliQ position of India in relation to taiatioii and the
source ot the public re\oniieis verj peoulur, >iot merely from
the hibits of the people and their stioiiK morsionto change,
which lb more bpeciully exhibited to now tornis ot ta ,.dtioii, but
likewise from the character ot the Go arnment, i h.c'i is in the
hands of foraigueis, vilio hold the principal adrainibtrative
offices and foim so large a party ot the Army The impa-
tience ot the new taxation which will have to be borne \ noUy
as a oonbequenoe of the toieign lule imposed on the country
and viitually to meet additions to charges arismg outside of
the country, would constitute a political dai ger tue real
maguituiie ol which, it is to In feared, is not at aU appreciated
by persons who have no knowledge ot or ooUwern in the
government of India, but winch those responsible for that
government have long regarded as of the most serious
order

To sum up — as to the mateiial condition of India — ■
the main features in the last centuiy weio gioss coi-
luption and opniession by the Europeans, in the pieseut
century, high salaiies and the heavy weight of Euiopoan
sei vices — their economic condition T hcrefoi e, theie was
no such thing as finance of India No fmanciei e\oi could
make a leal healthy finance of India, unle s he could make
two and two equal to si\ The most essential condition
was wanting Tii'es must he administered by and dis-
bursed to those who paid That did not e^ist Fiom
the taxes laised eveiy yeai a iaige poition was eaten np;
and earned away fiom the country by otheib than the}
people of Butiah India The finances of that countiy‘‘
were simply me vplicable, and could net be earned out
if the oxtiacts he had leid meant anything, they meant
that the present evil system ot a foieigu domination
was destroying them, and was fiaught with political dan-
ger of the most seiious oider to British power itself It

132

SPEECHES OP DA^DADHU NAOKOJI

had been cleaily pointed out that India was extiomeli
pool What ad\antage had been derived by India dui-
ing the past 100 yeais undei the admmistiation of the
most highly-piaised and most highly-paid olSoials in the
world* if theie was any condemnation of the existing
system, it was m the lesult that the country was poorei
than any country in the woild He could adduce a
uumbei of facts and hguies of the piactial effect of the
present system of admmistiation, but there was not the
time now The veiy fact of the wail of the finance
Ministers of this decade was a complete condemnation
He was quite suie that the Eight Hon’ble Oentleman, the
Secietary of State foi India, was truly desirous to know
the truth, but he could not know that clearly unless
eeitam information w'as placed before the House He
would suggest, if the Eight Hon’hle Gentleman allowed
a certain numbei of Eeturns which would give the
legular production of the countiy year by yeai, and the
absolute necessaiies of a common labourer to live in
woikmg health In connexion with the tiade test
there was one fallacy which he must explain They
were told in Statistical Eeturns that India had ah
enoimous tiade of neaily ^196,000,000, imports and
exports together If he sent goods worth £100 out of
this country to some other countiy, he expected there
was £100 of it letuined to him with some addition
of profit That was the natuial condition of every tiade
In the Colonies and in European countries there was
an excess of imports over exports In the United
Kingdom for the past 10 years— 1883 to 1892— the
excess had been 32 per cent , rn Norway it was 42 per
cent., Sweden 24 per cent , Denmark 40 per cent , Hol-
land 22 per cent , Erance 20 per cent., Switzerland 28

SPKEOHES IN THL HOUSE OP COMMONS 133

pel cent , Spam 9 pei cent , Belgium 7 per cant , and
so on Any one with common sense would, of course,
admit that if a quantity of goods woith a ceitam amount
of money weie sent out, an additional piofit was expected
in letuin , if not, there could not he any commeice , but
a man who only leceived in return 90 of the 100 sent
out would soon go into the Bankruptcy Couit Taking
India’s piofits to be only 10 pei cent instead of 32 per
cent , like those of the United Kingdom, and aftei mak
rag all deductions foi remittances for mteiest on public
woiks loans, India had lecened hick Es 170,000,000
worth of imports less than what she exported annually
On the average of 10 jeais (1883 to 1892) then eiicesses
of exports every yeai, with compound inteist, would
amount to enoimous sums lost by hei. Could anj
country m the woild, England not excepted, stand such
a diain without destiuction ’ They were often told thej
ought to be thankful, and the^ woie thankful, for the
loans made to them foi public woiks, but it they weie
left to themselves to enjoy what they produced with
a reasonable price foi Biitish lule, it they had to deve-
lop their own lesouices, they would not lequiie any
such loans with the mteiest to be paid on them, which
added to the diain on the country Those loans weie
only a fraction of what was taken away fiom the coun-
try India had lost thousands of millions in principal
and mteiest, and was asked to be thankful foi the
loan ot a couple of hundreds of millions The bulk ot
the British Indian subjects weie like heweis of wood
and drawers ot water to the British and foieign
capitalists The seeming prosperity of British India
was entirely owing to the amount of foreign capital
In Bombay alone, which was consideiod to be a iich
21-9

M SPEECHES OP HADABHAI NAOEOJI

ace, iibeie weie at least £10,000,000 of capital circu-
ling belonging to foreign Buiopaans and Indians fiom
ahve States If all such foieign capital wete sepaiat-
1 theie would be veiy little wealth in British India
Q Lould not go fuithei into these figuies, because he
ust have an occasion on which he could go more
lly into them If only the Eight Hon’ble Gentleman,
10 Seciehaiy of State foi India, would gre them the
eturns which weie necessaiy to undoistand moie cor-
otly and completely the real condition of India, they
ould all be the better foi it There was anothei thing
lat was veiy seiious The whole misfortune at the
ittom, which made the people of Biitish India the
DOiest m the woild, was the piessuie to be foiced to
ly, roughly spealiug, 200,000,000 rupees annually foi
uropean foreign services Till this evil of foreign domin-
;ion, foietold by Sii John Shoie, was leduced to leason-
ile dimensions, there was no hope, and no tiue and
ealthy finance foi India This cankei was destiuotive
1 India and sumidal to tlioBiitish. The British people
ould not stand a single ca> the evil if the JPiont
benches heie — all the principal militaiy and civil posts
nd alaige poiticn of the ainiy — weie to be occupied by
ime foieigners on even the plea of giving seivice
yhen an English official had acquiiod experience m the
sivieo of twenty oi thiity yeais, all that was entirely
)sb to India when he lelt the fountiy, and it was a most
siioUB loss, although he did not blame him for leaving
iie shore They weie left at a certain low level. They
ould not rise , they could not develop their capacity
or higher government, because they had no opportu-
ity , the lesnlt was. of couise, that their faculties must
e stunted Lastly, every European displaced an Indian

SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE OP COMMONS 135

who should fill that post In shoit, the evil of the foreign
rule in'folved the tuple loss of wealth, wisdom, and woik.
No wonder i,t India’s material and moial poverty! The
next point was the wants of the Indians He did not
think it would requue veiy long disoussion to asceitam
their wants They could be summed up in a few woidg
They wanted Butish honoui, good faith, ughteoiisness,
and justice They should then got eieivthing that was
good foi themselves, and it would benefit the ruleis
themselves, but unfoitunatoly that had not beau then
foitune Heie thej had an admission of the manner m
which their best interests weie tieated Lord Ljtton,
in a confidential Minute, said —

No aoonor was tiie Act p issed than the Government began
to device means for piaotioallv e-dUlmg t'lo lulfilment ot it
We all know me l oUiiiis and e\pei.titio is never can or
Will 00 fu'filled We tave had to cb lose Detv.oen prohiiiitmg
them and clioating them, and we hisochonoii the toast straight-
fot" aid uourse

He would not heheie that the S-overeign and the
Pallia neat who gave these pledges of justice and honoui
intended to cheat It was the Indian E ecutive who
had al'used then tiust That Act of 1831 was a dead
letter up to the picsent daj Loid Lytton said —

Since I am i\riting conhdenlialty, I do not hcoitate to say
that both the Oo.ernments ot England and ot India appear to
me u to the present ■noinent unable to answer aaticfactonlj'
the charge o hi. mg tsken every me-ms m their power of
lire ' ving to the heart the words ot promise they hid utteiea
to the eai

What they wanted was that \that Loid Salisbury
called " bleeding " should ha\a an end That would
restoie them to piospeiity, and England might derive
ten times more benefit by tiading with a pio^peious
people than she was doing now They were destroying

IdG SrLKCIlLS ur DAltVLIIVI HAOEOJI

the bud that could gue them ten golden eggs with <i
blessing upon them The Hon’ble Membei for Kingstone,
in hi^ ■' India in 1880,” said —

alanj Kative stateiiien have been produced ot whom the
Induin nation ma\ lu^tly he proud, and among whom may be
mentioned balai Jung ot Hj derabad. Dink ir Kao oi Gwalior,
Madhao Bao ot Baiodi, Kirpiram ot Jammu, Pundit Maiiphal
Ilf Aluar, Fai7 All Khin ol Eotah, Madliao Bao Barvi ol
Bolaplinr, and Purma ot Mvsoio

‘\Iountstuaxt Elphin&tone said befoie the Com-
mittee of 1R33 —

The hrst object, therelore is, to break down the separa-
tion between the clasaeo and laise the Batives by education
and public trust to a lerel with their present ruleis

Ue addies&ed the Consei value Paity It was this
Paiti who had given the just Ptoclamalion of 1858 —
then gieatei Chaitei — in these woids —

We hold ouiselve, bound to the Nitives of our Indian
teintones by the sirae obligations of dutv which bind us to
all our other subjects, and those obligations by the blessing
Ol klmighty God, we shall taithtully and conscientiously
fulbl

It was again the Couseivative Paity that, on the
assumption of the Impel lal title by oui Boveieign,
pioelaimed again the equality of the Natives, whatever
then lace oi cieed, with tlieu English fellow-subjects,
and that then claim was founded on the highest justice
At the Jubilee, uudoi the Conseivative Government
again, the Empiess of India gave to hei Indian subjects
the giacious assuiance and pledge that —

It had always been and alaajs will be her earnest desne
m maintain unswervnigh the principles laid down in the
Proclamation published on her assumption of the direct control
Ot the Go\ ernnient of India

He (Ml Naoioji) eainestly appealed to this Paity
not to give the lie to these noble assurances, and not to

SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE OP COMMONS

W,

ahow to the world fchat it was all hypoeiisy and national
bad faith The Indians would still continue to put
their faith in the English people, and aslc again and
again to have lustice done lie appealed to the Eight
Hon’ble (lentleman, the Seciecaiy of State foi India,
and to the Gov'eininent, and the Libaial Pait> who
gave them then fiist emancipation The^ felt deeply
giateful for the piomisesmada, but would asL that these
woids be now conveited into lo>al, faithful deeds, as
Englishmen foi then honoui aie bound to do Some
weeks ago the Eight Hon’ble Gentleman, the memhei foi
Midlothian, wrote a lettei to Sa John Cowan in which
he stated that the past sKty yeai-, had been >eam of
emancipation Manv omancipations had taken place in
these yeais , the Tiish, the Jewc, the slaves, all received
emancipation in that wave of humanity which parsed
over this Qoantiy, and which made this countiv the
most biilhont and civilised of the countiioa of the woilj
in tlioso days of emancipation, and in the \ei> yeai in
whicli the Right lion’ble Gentleman began his politi-
cal oateai, the people of India also had then emanci
pation at the hand^ ot the Liberal Party It was the
Liheial Paity that passed the Act ot and made the
magait'cent inoimses evplained both by Macaulay and
Lansdo wne He w ould ask the Eight Hon’hle Gentleman,
the member foi Midlothian, to say whethei, aftai the
Liberal Paity having given this emancipation at the
commencement of his political caieer, he wmuld at the
end of it, while giving emancipation to 3,000,000 of
Irishmen, only fuitliei enslave the 300,000,000 ot India ‘
The decision relating to the simultaneous examinations
meant iivetting back upon them eveiy chain bioken by
the act of emancipation The Eight Hon’ble Gentleman

SPEECHES OP XjAHABHAI NAOEOJI

m 1893, in conne'ion with the lush anesfcion, after
alluding to the arguments of feai and force, said —

“ I hope we slmll never again have ocoaaion to fall back
upon th.‘t raiseiaole iigunient It is bettei to tio juatice tor
terror than not to do it at all, but we ire in a condition
neither of ten* r uoi apprehension , but in a calm ai,d thank-
ful strto We ask the House to accept this Bill, and I make
that appeal on the grounds of honour and of duty "

Might he, then, appeal in these days when every
educated man in India was thoroughly loyal, when
there was loyalty in eteiy class of the people of India
and ask Was it not time foi England to do justice to
India on the same giounds of “ honour and duty ”
The Eight Hon’bia Membei also said —

Thoie can he no more melancholy, and in the last result
no more degrading '-peotfcle upon earth than the spec tide of
oppression, oi of wrong in whatever form, inflicted by the
deliberate act of a nation upon another nation, especially by
the deliberate act ot such a country as Great Britain upon
such a country as Ireland

This applied to Indra with a force ten trmes greater
And he appealed for the nobler spectacle of which
the Eight Hon’ble Gentleman subsequently spoke. He

But, on the other hand, there can be no nobler spectacle
than that which v. e thnik is now dawning upon us, the spec-
tacle of a nation deliberately set on the romov,-! of iniustice,
deliberately determined to break — not thiough terror, not in
haste, but under the sola inauence of duty and honour-
determined to break with whatever rem.uus still e-^isting ot an.
evil tradition and corermined in that way at once to pay a
debt of justice, and to consult by a bold, wise, and good act,
its own interests and its own honour

These noble w'orda applied with tenfold necessity
to Biitam’s duty to India It would be in the interest
of England to remove the injustice under which India
suffered more than it would be m the interest even of
India itself He would repeat the prayer to the Eight

SPEECHES m THE HOUSE OP COMMONS 139

non’ble Gentleman, the naembei for Midlothian, that he
would not allow his gloiious career to end with the
enthialment of 300,000,000 of the human race whose
destinies aie entrusted to this gieat country, and from
which they expect nothin" but justice and righteousness
The Right Hon’ble Gentleman, the Secietary of State foi
India, the other day made a niemoiable speech at
Wolveihampton Among other things, he uttered these
noble words — -

“New and ptessing problems were coming up v/ith which
the Liberal Party would have to deal These problems were
the moral and material ooi ditiom oi the pwoplo, for both
n ent very much together They were the problems that the
statesmen ol the future would have to solve Mr Bright
once said that the true glory of a nation was not in ships and
oolonits and oommeroe, but in the happiness ot its homes, and
that no Government and no Paity deserved the confidence ol
the Biitish electorate which did not give a foremost piaoe in
its legislation and administration to those measures which
would promote the comfort, health, prosperity, well-being,
and the well-doing of the nids^es ot the people ''

He would appeal bo the Eight Hon’ble Gentleman,
the Secretai y for India, that in that spirit he should study
the Induu problem Here in England they had bo
deal with only 33,000,000 of people, and it the Eight
Hon’ble Gentleman would once iindoistand the Indian
problem and do them the justice for which they had
been waiting for sixty yeais, lie would be one of the
greatest benefactors of the human lace He appealed also
to the pieseut Prime Minister with confidence, because
he had had an opportunity of knowing that the Piime
Mmistei thoroughly undeisbood the Indian pioblem.
Few Englishmen so cleaily understood that pioblem
or the effect of tho diain on the lesouices of India
He saw clearly also how far India was to be made
a, blessing to itself and to England ’Would he begin

140

SPEIiOHES OF DvnVBHAI NAOROJI

hw piomising caieei as Piime Ministet by enslaving
300,000.000 of Butish subiects ’ He appealed to him to
considei He could asbUie the Eight Hon’ble Gentleman,
the Secietaiy of State foi India, that the feeling in India
among the educated classes was neaiing despaii Jt was
a veiy bad seed that was being sown in connexion with
this mattei if some scheme was not adopted, with
leasonable modifications, to give some effect to the
Eesolution foi simultaneous examinations as was pio
mised a few months ago The Undei-Secretaiy for
India assuied them m the last Indian Budget Debate
that neithei he noi the Secietaiy of State foi India had
any disposition of thwaiting oi defeating that Eesolution
Indians then felt assuied on the point, and then ]Oy
was gieat But wh.it must be their despau and disap-
pointment when such statements aie put befoie the
House of Commons and the countiy as weia to be found
in this daik Blue Book It was enough to bieak
anybody's heart It would have biokeii his but foi the
strong faith he had in the lustice of the Biitish people
and the one bught lay to be found even in that Eeturn
itself, which had stiengthened him to continue his
appeal as long as he should live That lay has coma
from the Madias Governmeut They had pointed out
that they felt bound to do something They also pointed
out the difficulties in the way. but these difficulties were
not insurmountable About the want of tiue living
lepresentation of the people he would not now say
anything Eveiy Enghdiman undei stood its impoitance
The next point m the Motion was the ability to bear
existing buidens Indians weie often told by men in
authority that India was the lightest taxed country in
the world The United Kingdom paid £2 lOi pei head

SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE OE COMMONS lil

toi the pui poses of the State They paid only hs oi Cut
pel head, and, therefoie, the conclusion was diawnthafc
the Indians weie the most hghtly-ta\ed people on earth
But if these gentlemen would only take the tiouble of
looking a little deopei they would see how the mattei
stood England paid £2 lOi poi head, fiom an income oi
something like pei head, and then capacity', thoiefoie,
to pay £2 Ids was sufliciently laige Then, again, this
82 10s letuined to them— eveiy faithing ot it — in some
toim 01 another The piopoition they paid to the Btate
in the shape of Eevenues was, theiefoie, something hire
only 7 or 8 per cent India paid Ds oi 6s out of then
wretched incomes of Cii, oi 20 lupeos, as he calculated,
oi 27 rupees, as calculated b\ Loid Ciomei But even
taking the lattei liguie, it would not make any gieat
ditfaienoe The thiee lupeos was hu mote buideusoine
compaiod with tlie wietched capacity ot the people of
India to beai tasation than the 82 10s which England
paid At the late of pioduction of Es 20 pci head
India paid 14 pei cent ol hoi income foi puiposes of
lO'^enue — neatly twice as heavy as the incidence of the
United Kingdom Even at the lato of pioduction of
Es 27 pel head the Indian huidon was 11 pei cent
Then, again take the test of the Income Ta\ In the
United Kingdom Id m the Income Tax gave some
€2,500,000 but in India, with ten times the population,
Id only gave about Es 300,000, with an evemptioii of
only Es 50 instead of €150 as in this country In the
last 100 yeais the wealth of England had incieased by
leaps and bounds, while India, governed by the same
Englishmen, was the same pool nation that it was all
thiongh the centuiy that had elapsed, and India at the
piesent moment was the most extremely pool countiy

142 tjPEBCHES OP DADiBHAI NAOBOJI

m the world, and would be pooi to the end of the
chaptei if the piesout system of foreign domination
contitiued He did not say that the Natives should
attain to the highest positions of control and powoi
Let theie be Euiopeaiis in the highest positions, such as
the Vaeioy, the Goveinois, the Coininander-in-Chief of
the Foices, and the higher inilitaiy office) s, and such
otheis as might bo leasonably considered to be required
to hold the controlling powers The conti oiling power
of Englishmen in India was wanted as much for the
benefit of India as for the benefit of England The next
point in the Motion was, what were the sources of Indian
Seieuue ? The chief sources of the Kevenue were ]ust
what was m riuly obtained from the cultivators of the
soil Hero in this country the landlords — the wealthi-
est people — par 1 from land only 2 or 3 per cent , of the
Ee venues, but in India land was made to contribute
something like Es 27,000,000 of the total Eevenue of
about Es 67,000,000 Then the Salt Tax, the most
cruel Revenue imposed in any civilised country, piovided
Es 8,600,000, and that with the opium formed the bulk
of the Revenue of India, which was drawn from the
wietchedness of the people and by poisoning the Chinese,
It matteied not what the State leceived was called — tax,
rent, revenue, oi by any other name they liked — the
simple fact of the matter was, that out of a certain annual
national production the State took a certain poition
Now it would not also mattei much about the portion
taken by the State if that poition, as in this country,
returned to the people themselves, from whom it was
raised But the misfortune and the evil was that much
of this portion did not return to the people, and that
the whole system of Eevenue and the economic eondi-

SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 14H

tlou of the people became unnatuial and oppressive,
with danger to the infers In this countiy the people
drank nearly per head, while m India they could not
produce altogether inoie than half that amount per
head Was the system under which such a wretched
condition prevailed not a mattei for careful considoia-
tiou ? So long as the system went on so long must
the people go on living wi etched lives There was
a constant draining awav of India’s lesources, and
she could never, therefoie, be a piosperous countiy
Not only that, but in time India must peush, and with
it might peush the Butisb Empue If India was pros-
peious, England would he piospeious ten times more
than she was at present by leason of the trade she could
cairy on with India England at pieoont expoited some
£300,000,000 woith of British piodiice yet to India
she haully espoited produce to the value of 128 6d
pei heail If India wore prospevous enough to buy
even £1 worth per head of English goods she would
be able to send to India as much as she now sent to the
whole world Would it not, then, he a far gi eater
benefit to England if India weie piospeious than to
keep hei as she was ’ The nest point in the Motion
was the reduction of ospondituie The very first
thing should be to cancel that immoral and cruel “com-
pensation ” without any legal claim oven That was
not the occasion to dis^ms its selfashness and utter
disregard of the wietchedness of the millions of the
people But as if this injustice were not enough, other
bad features weie added to it, if my information be
coi rect The compensation was only fot lemittancoa to

this countiy But instead of this, every Emopean and
Buiasian, whether he had to make any family lemil

144

SPEECHES OP DAUABHAI NAOROJI

fcanceb oi uofc, to have a ceifcain addition to his
sahiy Tliat u is not all The iniquity ol making laes
dibtinttioiib \/as again adopted in this also , Buiopeans
and Buiasianb, whethei lemittaiices had to be made oi
not, weie to lecene compensation but an Indian ivho
had aotu illy to make lemittances foi the educition of
In-, sons, could haie no consideiation Bub he (Mi
Naoioji) depiecated the whole thing altogethei — to take
fiom the wi'etched to give to the hettei-oft This com
pansabiou should be cancelled as the fiist step in
leducbion As the Chancelloi of the Biichequei said the
other day in his splendid speech at his magnificent
ovation In the Libeial Meinheis, in speaking of the land-
owneis, the huulcn was always shifted on to otbei
slioulders, and alway s on those least able to pay This
v'lis evactly the piinciple of x\nglo-Indian authorities
If lb was leallj intended to rebiench with legaid to
espendituie in India why not begin with the salaiy
list ’ The Viceioy suiely could get his bread and buttei
with £20,000 a yeai insteid of £35,000 The Governors
could ouiely have bieid and cheese foi £G,000 or £8,000
instead of £10,000, and so on down till the end of the
salaiy list was reached at Es 200 a month This would
afford a much-needed leliet, because India could not
leally ffoid to pay Su 'William Huntei had lightly
said that if we were to govern the Indian people
efficiently and cheaply we must govern them by means
ot themselves, and pay foi the administration at the
maiket lates of Native lahoui that the good woik of
security and law had assumed such dimensions under
the Queen’s goveimnent of India that it oould no
loiigei be carried on oi even supervised by imported
Jihoui from England, except at a cost which India

.SfBECHES IN THJi HOUbB OB COMMONS 11 J

could sustain, and he had piophesied that 10 yeais
heiealtei they ■would have had an Indian Ireland multi-
plied fifty told on then hands The Heivice must chaige
fiom that which was deal, and at the same lime iin-
satisfactoiy, to one which would lequiie less money and
w'hich would at the same time he ti uitful to the people
themselves Next, thiee Secietaiies ot Stite and two
Vioeioys the othei day in the House of Loids condemn
ed in the stiongest teims the chaige that ■was made bj
the War Office for troops in India But it seemed that
one Seoietaiy for India (Loid Kimheiley) tiembled to
appioach the Wai Minister , because each new discussion
lesulted in additional chaigos and additional burdens
He also tiuly said that the authoiities heie, not having to
pay fiom then own pockets, leadily made pioposals of
charges which weie unjUat and unnecessary, to make
things agieeable The consequence was that chaiges
weie imposed which weie unjust and cruel In tact,
whatevei could have the name of India attached to it,
India w IS foiced to pay foi it That was not the justice
which he expected tiom the English With leteienee
to those militaiy chaiges, the buiden now thiown upon
Indu on account of Biitish tioops wms excessive, and he
thought eveiy impartial judgment would assent to
that pioposition, consuteung the lelatue mateiial wealth
of the twp countries and then joint obligations and
benefits All that they could do was to appeal to the
Biitisli Government for an imjiaitial consideiation of
the lelative financial capacity of the two couiitiies.'and
toi a geueious consideiation to be showm by the weal-
thiest nation in the woild to a dependency so compaia-
tively pool and so little advanced as India He believed
that if any Committee weie appointed to enquue, with

146

SPEECHES OE DADABHAI NAOBOJI.

tho honegti puiposeof finding out to make India pi os-
peious end at the same time to confei as much if
not moKi benefit to England, they could veiy easily find
out the way. and would be able to suggest what should
be done Now, with legaiu to the financial relations
between India and England, it was declared oier and
o\er again that this E'uciieaii Atmy and all Eiuopean
seivanta weie foi the special purpose of maintaining the
power of the Biitisli Empue Waie they, therefoia, not
for some benefit to England ? Weie they only foi the
service of India, foi their benefit and for their piotection'*
Was it light that they did avowedly uso macliineiy more
for their own puipo&es than for the puipo&es of India,
and yet make India poy altogether ’ Was it light, if
India's piosperity was, as Loid Eobeits said, so indis-
solubly bound up with thou own, and if the greatness
and piospeiity of the United Kingdom depended upon
tha lOtcntioa of India, that they should pay nothing for
it, and that they shou'd ettiact uom it eveiy faithing
they possibly cuuld They appealed to then sense of
justice m this mattei They weia not asking for this as
any favour of concession They based their appeal on
tha ground of simple justice Heie was a machineiy
by which both England and India benefited and it was
only common justice that both should shaia the cost of
it If this es))ondituie on the Euiopean Aimy and the
Euroiiean Civil Sei vices, which was really the rause of
their misery, was foi the benefit of both, it was only
rigm that they, as honourable men, should take a share
Their prayer was foi an impaiLial and compiehensive
enquiry BO that the whole mittei might be gone into,
and that the question of pimciples and policy which,
after all, was one for their statesmen to deoide, should

SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE OE COMMONS lil

bo propel ly dealt with They knew that during the lule
of the East India Company an enquiry was made
sveiy 20 years into the affairs ofinaia. This was no
reflection upon the Go\Grnment , it was simply to see
that the East Inriia Company did then duty There
was such an enquiry in 1813, and he thought it was
time, after 40 yeais had elapsed since the assumption of
Biitish rule by the Queen, that theie ahouh] bo some
regulai, iudepenoent onquiiy like that which used to
take place in foimei dajs, so that the people and Paiha-
ment of tins country might see that the Indian au-
thoiities iveie doing then duty The lesult of the iiie-
sponsibility of the pioscnt Biitish \dmiiiistiat on was
that the expenditiue wont on unchecked Ho admitted
fully that expenditmo must go on incie icing if India
was to pu^gress in hei civilisation , hut it they allowed
hei to piosper, Inlia would be able not only to pay her
£GO,000,(JOO out ol the £'100,0' >0,000 of population, but
she would be able to piv tv.iee, thiee tinip,, and four
times as much it w is not that they did not want to
eipend as launh as was necessaiy Then simple com-
plaint was that the pio«ent system did not allow India
to become prospeious. and so enable hoi to supply the
necessai y raveuue As to the chaiactei of the enouii y, it
should be full and impaitial The Tight Hon'ble llember
for Muilolluao said on one occasion not long ago,
when the question of the Opium Tiada wa- under dis-
cussion 111 that House —

I rausu inaLe the aclnussion that I do not thinl that in this
matter wa ought to uo guided eiclusivel/-, peih ps oven
pnncipitlv by those viho niav consider thomeelvea axie'-ts
It IS a erv sad thing to siy but unuaestiouahb it happens
not intrenuently in human affairs, that tho^e viho might from
their posltio i, know the most and the nest, yet, tro n their
prajudiooo and prepossessions, know the least and the worst

148 sl'EI-CriLS OP DADVBHA.I NJlOEOJI

I cerUmly for ny part do not propose to ibide linjU / .md
deoisively hy oKcial opinion

\nc] tha Eight Hon ’hie fTentleman went on to sa,)
tli it what the House wanted, in his opinion, was " inde-
pendent hut lesponsihle opinion,” in oidei to enable hiui
to jiioceed ■-ately to a decision on the subject which was
to be considoied He was abking by this Eesolution
uothiug more than what the Eight Hon’hle Gentle
man, the meiuhoi foi Midlothian had said was actual^
uecessaiy tor the Opium Commission How much moie
ueoessaiy it was when they meant to overhaul and
examine all tbo -vaiious depaitmonts ot administration,
and the alfaiis ot 400,000,000 of people all in a state ot
tian..itiou in civilisation — oomphcoyted especially by this
esil of foioign lule' What was wanted was an inde-
pendenb enquiiy by which the luleis and the inlecl
miglit come to some fan and honouiable understanding
with each obhei which would keep them together m good
faith and good heait He could only lepeat the appeal he
had made, in the w'oids of the Queen herself, when her
Majesty in hei gicat Indian Prcclamation said — ■

In their prospenty will be our strength, m their oouteiit-
meut oui security, and m their gratitude our best reward 1

‘\nd then she prayed —

\iid may the God of all power grant to us and to those m
aiitliority under us jtiength to carry out these our wishes foi
the good of our people '

He said Amen to that He appealed once more to
the House aud to the Biitish people to look into the
whole pioblem of Indian lalations with England
Theia was no leason whatevei why there should not be
a thorough good undeistanding between the two coun-
tiie=, a thorough good-will on tho part ot Britain, and a

RPE] CUES IN IHE UorJSK OF COMMONS 1 10

Ihoioligh lojalty ob fciio paifc of India, wibh blessings to
tiofch, if the piinaiples and policy laid down fiom tinio
to time by the Biitish people and by the Biitish
I^ailiainent weie loj'ally, faithfully, and woifcbily, as the
Gngliah chaiactei ought to lead them to e’cpect, obsei\-
•id by the Government of the count) y

Amendment pioposed to leave out fiom the woivl
“That,” to the end of the Question, in oidei’ to add the
woids —

In the opinion of this House, a full and mdc pendent
I'arliamantary eiuiunv should take place into the condition
and wants of the Indian people ind their uhilitj to beai their
existing financial burdens the nature ol the revenue sjstem
and the possibility ot leductions in the expenditure! also the
nnanoial relations belveeii India and tne United Kingdom,
and generally the s\ stein ol ttoso'-nmont in India — (d/i S
a 'Mil' )

ENGLAND AND INDIA.

\MEN1)MEIhT to THJ VDriEl'.SK

FehTiumi \2llt, IbO'")

Mr Naoio]i (Finibuij, Geiifcial) moved an Amend-
ment to add the following to the Addiess —

\nd wolmmbly pra> that Youi Majostj will be graciously
pleibcd to direct Your Majesty’s Ministers tc so adjust the
hnanoial relations between the United Kingdom and British
India, with regard to all the expenditure incurred in the
emplovment ot Europeans in the British-Indian Services,
Civil and Military, in this Country and in ludia, that some fair
and adequate portion of such expenditure should be borne by
the British Exchequer in pioportion to the pecuniarj and
political benefats accruing to the United Kingdom from Your
Oraoious Majesty’s sway over India , and that the British
Treasury should sustain i laii and equitable portion ot all
e peiidituio incurred on all military and political operations
i)o\ ond the boundaries ot India in lyliich bothindian and British
interests are jointlv concerned

Having expiesSetl his legiec that generally it was not
the piaotice to mention India and to indicate any conceiti
for Its mteiests in the Queen’s Speech, he said he was-
leady to acknowledge with giatitudethe advantage which
had ensued to the people of India fiom British lulo
He had no desiio to minimise those benefits at the same
time he did not appeal to that House oi to the British
nation foi any foim of chanty to India, howeyei poveity-
stiicl en bhe is Me based the claims of India, on
giounds ot justice alone The question was not at all one
of a Paity chaiactai and theiefoie ho addiessed what
he had to say to the English people as a yvhole He
was often supposed to complain about the Euiopean
officials peisonallv It was not so It was the system

SPEBCHES, IN THE lIijOSE IJF COMMONS 151

which made the officials what they weio, that he
complained about They v, 0 ie the creature'* of ciicum-
stano03 They could only mo\e m the one-sided groove
in which they were placed In the eiil s\stem Fuither,
his remarks applied to British India and not to the Native
States It had been somobiinos said that he resoited to
agitation m bringing forward the claims of India, but on
that point he would only quote a few woids fiom
Macaulay, who said m one of his speeches —

I hold that \v e have owed to agitation i long series ol beiie-
fioent reforms which could have been efieoted in no other way

The truth IS that agitation is inseparable from populai
(Tovcrnnient Would the slave trade avoi have been

abohshed without an agitation ' Would slaiery aver haia
been aBohshtd without igitation '

He would aid tint tholi sl,i\ei' would not be
abolished without agitatiou and it was well tliat it should
be abolished by peaceful agitation, labhei than by revolu-
tion caused by despaii He nest proposed to consider
the la-^pective benefits to Biitain and India from their
coniiei.ion Fiom the annual pioduction of India the
(jfOieinment took about 700,000,000 rupees toi the
expenditure of the State The fiist result of this co-.t
was law aud ordei, the giaatest blessing that an> lule
could confei, and Indians fully appieoiated this benefit
of safety from, \ 1 ol 0 nce to Ida, limb, and piopeitv
Admitting this benefit to India, wa& it not equaUj or
even more vitally lienohcial to the British in India, and
more particularly to the Biitish lule itself ’ Did not the
very existence of eveiyEinopean resident in India depend
uxion the law aud older, ind so also of the British
power itself *’ The HindU':, {and the Mahomedans also,
the bulk of whom are Hindu'' by lace) were, by their
nature, in then veiy blood, by the mbeutance of

152 or OAmjJHAI NIOEOJL

gocui and loligioaa inabituhmis of some fchousamj
ot ieaib, peaceful anti law abiding Then division int
the iom giaat divisions was fcho foundation of the.
peacclul nafcuie One class was devoted to learnms
Peace a as an absolute necossitj to them The fightin
and luling and pioteeting business was left to the sma
second class The third and the largest class — th
indu^tiial, the agricultuial, the trading, and others-
depanded upon peace and oidet for then woik, and th
fouith seiving class wore submissive and law-abidmi
The virtue of law-abiding was a peculiarly and religious
ly binding duty upon the Hindus, and to it does Biitai
owe much of its pieseut peaceful lule ovei India I
will bo Biitam’s own fault if this chaiactei is ohanget
It was sometimes said that England conquered Indi
with the swroid, and would hold it by the swoid , bii
he did not believe this was the sentiment of the Biitis!
people ganeially Ho could not hettei emphasise thi
than m the woids of then piesant great Indian Ganeia
Loid Boberts had said that —

However efficient and well-equipped the Army of Indi
might be — vteie it indeed absolute porfeotiou, and were it
numbers considerably more than at present— -our greatea
strength must ever rest on the him base of a united aiv
contented people

That was the spirit in which he spoke At prasen
India shaied far less benefits than ]Ustie6 demanded
Hundreds of millions of rupees woie drawn from, am
taken out of, the countiy for the payment of Europeai
officials of all kinds, w'lthout any material eqmvalen
being received loi it capital was thus withdrawn, ant
the Natives prevented from accumulating it , and unde:
the existing system a large part of the resources ant
industries of the country was thiown into the hands o

British and othai eapitaliats The ‘^00,000,000 oi so of
uipoos which the India Ofhee draws eveiy yeai at
present is so much Biitibli benefit in a variety of ways
Ihifcish India was indeed British India, and not India’.-i
India. He next examined the niateiial oi pecuniarv
benefit derived by Britain and Indm Out of about
700,000,000 lupees i.used annually fiom the annual
production of the country, nearly 200,000,000 rupees
weie appropriated m pay, pensions, and .illowances to
Euiopeans in this countiy and m India, This compul-
soiily obtained benefit to Butain cuppled the resources
of Birtish Indians, who could never make any capital
and must drag on a poveity stricken life. Hundiods
and thousands of millions ot wealth passed m puucipal
and interest theieon fiorn India to Biitaiu Thousands
of Europeans found a ciieei and Inelihood m India, to
the exclusion of the cluldiou of the soil, who thus lo&t
both their biead and then biains theiehj Not onl\
tiiat This oiippled condition natuiallj tluew nearli
all the lequirements of India moie oi la's into Ihitish
hands, which, undei the patronage and piotectron of
the Biitish ofticials, monopolised neaily e\eiytlnug
British India was, next to officials, more or less for
British professionals, traders, capitalists, planteis, ship-
owners, railway holder^, and so on, the bulk of the
Indians having only to serve foi pooi income or wage-,
tliafc they earned In a way a gioat mass of the
Indians were worse off than the slaves of the Southoiu
Htates The slaves being piopoitv were taken caie of
b\ then masters Indians may die oft by millions bv
want and it is nobody’s concein The slaves worked
on their masteis’ land and lesouicos, ahd tlie masters
took the profits Indians haie to work on then

I6i SPHLCHES Of DADVBHAI NAOEOJI

own Imd ami lesomce'J, and hand fcho pioflfcs to
the toreign inasteit> He offered a simple test Sup-
IKJSing that by some vicissitudes of foitune, which ho
hope'l and prayed would nevei occur, Britain was
conaneied by a foreign people This was no impossible
assumption in this world When Guisar landed m this
country no one could ha>e dreamt that the savages he
met here would in time bo the iiiasters of the greatest
Empire m the world, and that the same Borne and Italy,
then the masters ot the world, would in turn become a
geographical name only Wall, suppose this House was
cleared of Englishmen and filled with foreigners, or
perhaps shut up altogether, all power and plans in then
hands, eating and carrying aw'ay much of the wealth
of this country year after year, m short, Britain reduced
to the present condition and system of government of
India, would the Britons submit to it a single day if
thej could help it ' So law-abiding as they are, will
not all their law abiding vanish ’ No ' The Briton
will not submit . as he says, ‘‘ Biitons will never be
slaves,” and may they smg so fpi evei Now, he asked
whether, though they would nevei be slaves, was it then
mission to make others sla\ 6b ’ No, the British people’s
instincts are averse to that Their missipn is and ought
to ha to raise others to their own level And it was that
faith m the instinctive love of justice m the British heart
and conscience that keeps the Indian so loyal and
hopeful There wms no doubt an immense mateiial
benefit to England accruing fiom the administration of
India, but theie was no corresponding benefit to the
Indian people under the present evil system For the
^ake of argument merely, he would assume that the mate-
nal benefit was equal to the inhabitants of India as well

SPRr.OHES IN THi: nOOSE OP COMMONS Tj5

ns to the Btitisli people, and oven on that assumption he
contended that the Biitish people wore bound foi the
benefit they doiived to take then share of the cost of
producing that banifit The position had been correctly
described by Loid Sahabury. who said —

The injury is exaggerated in the case of India, where so
much of the Revenue is exported without a direct equivalent
As India must be hied, the lancet should be directed to the
paits w'here the blood is congested, or at least sufficient, not
to those already toable for the want of it

That was collect as lai as the present British
system in India was conceined, and “ India must Ije
hied.” The icsult of thH was that then Finance
Ministeis weia obliged to lament and complain, year
after year, of the extiemo povoity of India, which dul
not enable them to bung its hiiances into a properly
sound condition The subject ot the poverty of India
embiacod many aspects in its cause and etlectb But
this was not the occasion on which such a ^a&t subject
could be dealt with adequately It was the natural and
inevitable lesults of the evil of foieign dominion as it
exists in the piesont svstom, a-> piedicced by Su lohn
Shoie, above a bundled years ago In order to give an
idea ot the positron of India as compared with tliat of
England ha would point onh to one aspect The
Seoietary of State for India in his speech last \eai, on
going into Committee on the Indian Budget, madoareiy
important statement He said —

Now as to the enue, I think the figures are xor'v m
struotive Whereas m England the taxation is £J lit Sd per
’head, in Scotland, £2 St Id per head, and in Ireland, £1 12s
Id per head, the Budget wlimli I shall present to-morrow
will show that the taxation pei head in India is something
like 2s Gd , or one-twentieth the taxation of the United King-
lom, .lud one thirteenth that ot Ireland

The Member loi Fhnfcalure (Mi. S Smith) then

IjG .Sl-EEClli.S or rUOALUA.!' N\OUOJI

a^tkecl, " Does he e\culcta the Laud EQ\enuo ''' and the
Ri^bt Hon’ble Ganlileraan lepherl

Yos So tar as the taxation ot Tndi i is. coin oined, Liking
tliu 1 npec at Is Id , it is 3s Gd poi head

The exclusion of LandEevenue was nufaii, but titl‘d
was not the tune to discuss that point full> The Land
Kiweiiue did not ram fioin haavau It fonnad part and
paieel of the annual wealth fiom winch the State
Revenue is taken in a variety of. diftoient names — call it
tax, lent, excise, duty, stamps, income-tax, and so on
It biinply meant that so much was taken from the
annual pioduofcion foi the pmpo&os of (ioveinment
The %iues> taken by the Eujht Hon'ble Gentleman foi
the English taxation is aLo the gloss Eevomie, and
bimilaily must this Indian Revenue he taken, except Eail-
wav and Navigation Revenue That statement of tlic
Right Ilon’ble Gentleman, it it meant anything,
Liioant that the incidence of taxation in India was
exceedingly light coinpaied with tlie mcideaeo of
taxation m England It was the usual official fiction
that the incidence ot taxation in India was small as
eouipaied with that of this countiy But when they
considered the incidence of taxation they must consider
not simply the amount paid m such taxation, but what
It was eompaied with the capacitv of the person who
paid it An elephant might with ease carry a gioat
weiglit, whilst a quaiter ounce oi a gram of wheat,
might be sufficient to crush an ant Taking the capa-
city of the two countries, the annual product or income
of England was admitted to be something like £35 pei
head. If there was a taxation of J32 lOf. as eompaied
with that it was easy to see that the incidence oi
heaviness was onR about 7 pei cent , of the annua!

SPEECHES IN THE lldUSE OF COMMONS

wealth If, ou the othei lianJ, they took the piotluc
lion of India at the hii,h ofhcial e'^timafca of ‘27 inpec'
pel head — though he inaiutained it ivas only SOiupee^
—even then the peicentage, oi incidence of ta\ation,
was about 10 or llporcent, oi at 20 iiipeos tlio
incidence was nearly 11 iier cent , ( i , neat K double
what it was in England To &a\, therefoie, that India
was lightly taxed was altogethei a fiction The f ict 'vo=,
as he stated, that the pie-^suie of taxation in India
according to its means of pacing, was iieailv double that
oi y.ealthy England, and fai moio oppiessive, as exacted
from poveiti That x%as not all The case for India
was worse, and that wa-a tlie fundaioeutal evil ol the
piesent system In the Ciiitel Kingdom, if about
£100,000 000 aie laisod as leipniie, oieiy laithing
letuins to the people tlieinseho- But m Eiitish India,
out oi about lls 700,001,000 about R-, 200,000 000 aie
paid to foieigneis — lie^ulo- all the other Rutisb boneht=
obtained fioiu the \notihed pi educe of Rs 20 pei lie id
Even an ocean if it lost some water Oiqu da' wlncfi
novel letuined to it, would be dried up in timo IJncloi
faimilai conditions wealtli^ England even would be soon
reduced to poveitv lie Vioped it would be felt b\
Hon’ble Membeis that India, in that condition, could
dome veiy little benefit fiom Biitish adiumistiation lie
spoke in agony, not m indign ition, both foi the sake ot
the land of his oareei and for the land of his Inith, ind he
said that if a svsteni of iightoousness weie intioduced
into India instead of tho pie':,ent evil svstein, both Eng-
land and India xvould be ble'.sed, the piobt aud benefit
to England itself would be ten times gioatci than it
now was, aud the Indian people would then legaid
their government bv' Ibis ccuntiy as a ble-sing, in--tea(

15B

svGi cirrs or r'A.nv!!ii\i nxoboji

of being inclined to coiulemn it England, with India
contented, justly tieatecl, and pi’o'inerous, may defy
halt-a-do'en Rusbias, and may diiva back Russia to
the voiy gates of Bt, Peteisbuig The Indian will
then hght as a patiiot foi Ins own health and home
Punjab alone will be able to provide a poweifnl
aimy Assuming again, for puipose of argument, that
then benefit m India was caual to the British banefat,
then he said that the British must share the cost
of the expenditure which produced these results,
and for which both partners profited equally But m
hi3 amendment he did not ask that even half of the
whole cost should be borne by the Biitish people, but
only tor that part of the expouditiue which was inoui-
led on Europeans, and that entirely for the sake of
British rule If it was not for the necessity of maintain-
ing British rule there would be no need to drain India
m the manner in -winch it -was now drained by the
ciushing European Seivices Lord Roberts, speaking m
London, May, 1393, sard —

1 rejoice to learn that you recognise how indissolubly the
prosperity of the Ifnitetl Kingdom is bound up with the rston-
iion of that vast Eastern Empire

But if the interests of England and India were in-
dissolubly bound up it was only just and piopei that
both should pay for the cost of the benefits they deiived
rn equal and pioper piopoitions Lord Kimberley, m a
speech at the Mansion House, m 1893, said —

Wo are resolutely deter mined toiiiaintnin our supremacy
over opr Indian Empire that (among other things) supro-
niacy rests upon the maintenance of our European Civil Ser-
o'mpl, magmecent European force

'V Inch we maintain m that country

The European Civil Sei vices and Em opeau residents
he contended, weie the weakest part m the mainten

SDiECHES IN X’HE HOUSE OP COMMONS

159

ancQ of then lule in India Whenevei' an> unfoitunato
trouble did arise, as in 1837, the European Civil Service,
and Euiopoans genaially, iveio initheir greatest difficulty.
They must be saved, they iveie in the midst of the
greatest dangei, and in such cucumstanoos they became
their gieatest weakness The loyal Indians saved many
lives To suppose that then Cnil Seivice, oi the Biitish
people, could have any othei safety than that which
aioae from the satisfaction of India, Svas to deceive them-
selves Whatever might be the stiength of then
military toice, then truesecuiity in the maintenance, of
then rule in India depended entiiely on the satisfaction
of the people Biute foice may make an ompiie, but
biute force would not maintain it it was nioial force
and justice and iigliteousness alone that would maintain
it If he asked that the whole espeudituie mcuned on
Europeans should be dofiayed horn the British Tiea-
siuy he should not ha far ivrong, but, foi the sake of
aiguinent, he was piepaiod to .idmit tliat the benefit
deiived fioui the employment of Euiopeans was shared
equally by Europeans and Native^. He theiefoio askctl
that at least half of the expenditure incuuod on Eino-
peans lieie and in India should bo paid fiom the British
Exchequei Indians woio sometimes thiaatened that if
they raised the question of financial relations, something
would have to be said about the navy Apart fiom r
fan share for the vessels stationed m India, why should
England ask India to defray any otlior portion of the
cost ot the navy ’ The very sense of justice had pro-
bably prevented any such demand being made The fame,
gam and glory of the navy was all England’s own There
was not a single Indian employed in the navy It was
said the navv was necessary to probact the Indian com-

JM) srcrcHES of ovoAinvi jmaoeoji

nieice Theio \\a& not a single ship sailing liom oi to
India \,hich boloaged to India ffho v^hole oi the shipping
was liiilnh, and not onlj that, but the whole caigo while
floating naT entiiely at the risk of Biitish money Theie
\,is not an ounce expoited fioiu India on whicli Biitiah
money did not lie tlnough Indian hanks In the same
nii, when goods ware enpoited fiom Rngland, Butish
money wasupon them The whole floating .^hipping and
goods woio first Batish iisk Lastly, theie is eveiy inoh
of the British navy requited foi the protection of these
blessed islands Every Budget, ftoin either Paity, em"
phasisos this tact, that the hist lino of defence foi the
piotection of the I'nited Kingdom alone, demands a navy
equal to that of any two Kuiopoan Poweis lie had
asked loi seveial letuins from the Seoietiuy of
State If the Right Hon’hle Gentleman would give those'
letuins, the House would he able to 3 udge of the leali
material condition of India, until those lotuins were
piosanted they would nob be in a position to understand
exactly the real condition of India under the piesent
system He would pass ovei all tlie small miusfcices, in
chaiging 6\eiy possible thing to India, which they
would not dale to do with the Colonies India Office
buildings, Enqineoiing Oollego buildings, charge foi
leciuitmg, while the soldiers foim part and parcel of
nho aimy hero the system of short seivice occasioning
ti auspoit expenses, and so on, and so on While attend-
ing the meeting upon the Aimeman atiocities, ho could
nob help admiimg the noble offoibs tliat the English
always made foi the piotection of the suffering and
oppressed It is one of the noblest tiaibs m the English
character Might he appeal to the same British people,
nho ware easily moved to genoiosity and compassion

SL'K1:CI1LS IN TJIE IlorSE OF COMilONS Ifil

when thoie was open violence, to coiibider the cause
vvliy in India hundiods of thousands of people weie
hequontly earned away tliioiigh famine and diought,
ind that millions constantly lived on sLarvatioii faio ''
Why was it that aftei a hundred years ot adminiitratiou
by the most highly paid ofTicialsi the people of India
were not able to pay one-twentieth pait of the ta •nation
which the United Kingdom paid, or even one-thiiteeni.h
which pool Iieland paid ’ Weie the English satibficcl
with such a lesult ' Is it cieditablo to them ^ While
England’s wealth had incieased, India’s had decieased
The value of the wliole pioduction of India was not £ti
pel headpei annum, oi, taking into account the piesent
lata of exchange, it w.is only 20. The people bore
.spent about £1 per head in dunk alone, vhile India’s
whole production is only a pound oi two pei head
Such should not bo the result of a system wbioli wac
evpeoted to be lioneficent He appealed to the people
ot this countiy to ask .uid considei this question If
theie weia famine heio food would be pouied in (lom
the whole world Why not so in India ' Why the
wiotehed lesult that the bulk of tbo people had no
means to pay foi tood ’ Biitam has saved India from
peisoual violence Would it not also save milbons from
want and uivages of famine owing to then* extreme
povoity cai^d by the evil which Su J Shore predicted
The late Mi Bught told his Manchester friends that
there were tv.o ways of lienefitmg themselves, the one
was by plundoi, and the other was b^ trade, and lie pre-
ferred the latter mode At present, England's trade
with India was a miserable thing. The British produce
sent to all India was about worth 26 per head per
annum If, howesei, India wore prosperous, and able

LG2 SPEECHES or DADVBIUI HAOEoJI

to buy, England would ha\e no need to complain
of duties and the want of maikets In India there
was a maiket of 300 million'5 of civilised people If
the wants of those people weie provided for, with
complete liee trade in hei own hands and contiol,
England would bo able to eliminate altogethei the
woid “unemployed’’ fiom hei dictionaiy ih fact,
she would not be able to supply all that India would
want The other day the Chaucelloi of the Exchequei
said that wheia injustice and vyrong prevailed, as it did
prevail in Armenia, a Libeial Government was called
upon to obtain the co-opeiation of Eiuopeau powers in
order to lepiess the wiong Might he appeal to the
Bight Hon’ble Gentleman to give an eainest and geneioup
consideration to India’’ The Eight Hon’ble Gentleman,
Ihe membet for klidlothian made a veiy giand speech on
hi^ biithday upon the Aimenian question He appealed
to that Eight Hon’ble Gentleman, and to all those of the
t^ame mind, to consider and find out the fundamental
causes which make the destitution of foity oi fifty
millions — a figure of oflicral admission — and destruction
of hundreds of thousand by famine, possible, though
British India’s resources are admitted on all sides to be
vast In the present amendment hrs object was to have
that justice of a fair share iri evpendrtur^to be taken
by Britain m proportion to her benefits He asked for
no subsidy, bub only for common justice By a ceitain
amount of expenditure they derived certain benefits ,
they were partners, therefore let them share equally the
benefits and the costs His amendment also had
ref 01 once to expenditure outside the boundaries of
India He maintained that if England undertook opeia-
tions in Burmah, Afghanistan, and m othei places

SVEECHES IK a HE Hut OE COMMONS 103

beyond the bordeis of India foi the piotection of Butish
lule, she was bound by justice to dofiav at least half the
cost The benefit of these opeiations was for both
i'ritain and India The jjiunciple was admitted in the
case of the last Afghan wai, which was certainly not a
very' necessary wai, but the Libeial Cloreinment decay-
ed a portion of the expenditure That India should be
lequned to pay the cost of all tho small waio and
aggressions beyond her boundaries, or poljtical subsidies,
was not worthy of the British people, when these were
all as much oi more nocessaiy, for then own benefit
and lule as for the benefit of India IIo hoped he was
not appealing to deaf oars lie knew that when any
appeal was made on the basis of justice, righteousness,
and honoui, the English people losponded to it, and
with pel feet faith in the Eughsli character he be-
lieved lii^. appeal would not be m ram The short of
the whole matter was, whelhui the people of British
India weie Biitish citi/ons or Butidr helots If tho
foimei, as lie firmly beliered to be the desiie of tho
British people, then let them hare then buthiight of
British rights as well as Biitish responsibdities Let
them be treated with justice, that the coats of the
benefits to both should be shaied liy both The un-
seemly squablrle that W'as now taking place on tho
Question of Import Duties betw'eon the Lancashire
inanufactuieis on the one hand and the Entisb Indian
Government on the olhoi illuitiated the helpless condi-
tion of the people of India This was tho real position
The Indian Goveinment .iibitiaiily iinpo-.ed a burden of
a million or so a year on tho dl fed Indians as a heart-
less compensation to the well fed officials, and have
gone on adding to expendituie iijron Eu'opeaus They

J(]-i ^PREUUE-, or lJ\DA,BnVI U^ORori

want; inonoy, atid they iclopt Loid Salisbury's advice to
bleed 'Vhoio fcheie is blood left, and also by means of
Impoi 6 Dntie-i tas the subiects of the Native States
riie Lnncashiie gentlemen obiect and want to apply
the lancet to otliei paits that would not inteifele
Vvith then inteicsts— and thus the quairel between
them riowevei that is decided, the Indians aie to
bo bled He did not complain of the selfishness of
the Lancashua people By all means bo selfish, but
lie intelligently selfish Eeinembei what Mr Bright
said— Youi good can only come through India’s good.
Help India to be piospeious, and you will help youi
inospeiity Macaulay tiitly said —

It would be a doting wisdom which would keep a hundred
millions (now more thin two hundred millions) ot men from
being om r ustomers in order tuat they might continue to be
niir slaves

They Ind no voice as to the espendituie of a single
faithing m the admimstiation of Indian affaiis The
Biitisli Indian rTOteunnont could do what they liked
There was, of coui^e, au Indiau Council, but when a
Budget was pioposod it had to be accepted The repie-
sentatives of the Council could make a few speeches,
but theie the matter ended The people of India now
turned to the people of Great Britain, and, lelymg on
tho justice of then claim, asked that they should contri-
bute their fan shaie m propoition to any benefits which
this countiy might deiive fiom the possession of India.

INDIA AND LANCASHIRE

Fell nil uv H'ii,

Sn Eenty Jame<t, n Lunvimtan Mcmhn moivcf the
adjoumment of the House “ mordei to call attention h
a matter of definite and iiigent ‘public importance — the
effect of the imposition of duties on cotton goods impoited
into India ” The motion was warmly debated, and
ultimately lost, the ( kn'ci nincni as a body opposing Sn
Henry James Mi F uLibhai made the following spee.ok
on the occasion —

At this late hoiu 1 shall not occupy the House
veiy Ions, hut I will .i-.k Uon’Iile (Tontlemea opposite
Does England spend a single fai thing in connection with
India ’’ Hon lile Gentloiiion sav tlie\ aie mamtaitiing the
Rmpue It Is something e\tiaoidinaiv ' Foi the two
hundiecl yoais tliO\ ha\e been connected with India
they have not spent a single laithing eithoi on the
acquisition or the nnintonance of the Empiie How^-
evei, I will not go into tint laige question {lien},
hciu ) Did I wish to sec the Einpue in India eudan-
geied, weie I a lebel at heait, 1 should welcome this
motion with the gieato-t delight The gieat dangei to
the Empire is to adopt methods of nutation, which if
continued will assuiedh hung about disintegiation
{Heal , heal ) I appeal to the Uniomsts to vote against
this motion oi they will du\o the fiist nail m the coffin
of British rule in India lou mav, as Lord Eoboits
has told you, have a stiongei and laigei army in India

Sl'lKCHiS OF DVnvliUAI NAOEOJI.

than you ha’se afc piesenfc, you miy have that aimy to
perfection itself bub youi stability rests entuely upon
the oatisfaetiou ot the people {Hem, hear) I heard witli
{^leat satisfaction Hon’ble Mamheis on both sides of the
House iecOf,aise this important fact, that aftoi all, the
./hole satety ot the Butish lule depends upon the
satisfaction of the people, and tlie justice that may he
done towaids them Remember "whatevei you are, yon
are still hke a step-mothei — children may submit to any
amount of oppression from then own motlier, and will
he aftectionate towards hei, hut fiom then step-mothei
they will always demand the strictest justice {Hern,
luho ) You must remember that j'ou as an alien people
have to rule over a large number of people in the Indian
Empue, and if you do not consult then feelings, yon
will make a very great mistake I am Quite sure that
T appeal not in vain to the Umomsts, and can I appeal
to the Homo Rulers {Hem , haai ) If they mean Home
Rule, tl\ey mean that it must be entirely on the in-
tegrity of the Empue {Hear, hoai ) I have nevei
known a motion brought before this House whioh was
more separatist than the one before it now' {Hem , hear )
I can count upon the votes of Home Rulers The
passing of this motion would ho the passing of a motion
of disunion Perhaps you may not feel the effect for
some time but I rmpress upon thrs great assembly —
that though a revolutron may not taka place to-morrow,
it IS the accumulation of many years, of many dis-
appointments, many inattentions, that at last piodures
a revolution Do not forged lft57 I, for one, desire
from the bottom of my heart that the British lule and
connection with India may last for a very long time
{Hem, hem) They are dealing with many millions of

hl’BEGRES IN 'IHE HOUSE OP COMMONS 107

■people, and t desiie and hope that India to-mouow will
not loceive a telegiain sayinj; that this motion has heon
passed The feeling of iniustico is \oiy stiong theie
India has its agitatois What weio the oceupiois ot
the Tieasiivy Bench ^ Did they not ^,0 np and down the
country ondeavouiiug to edncato tho people and to
disseminate then own opinions ’ Vnd ao does ihe
Opposition and evei y niombei It is hy peaceful agita-
tion alone that British India is to be piaseivod This
13 not the first occasion that oni Innca^hue fiiends
have tried to foice the hands of the Ooveininent to do
certain things adveroO to India They began in 1700,
But I am not going on this giavo occasion to enter into
any potty quaiiel with them {lleur, Jiui> ) This I will
say, British India is too pool to buy Tdanchestei goods
People talked of the enoiinousilanchestei trade Thoio
■was no such euoimous tiade, unless 13s M per bead
pel annum was an enoimous tiado I .appeal to all
parties not to let this motion pass [UciO, Icei ) J
appeal to you not to let a telegiaiu go loith to India,
saying than it has been passed It ■will have a veiy bad
elioot theie You have aom lomedy in tlio assuianoo
ot tho Societal y of India, tlwt it you ran point out how
to remove the alleged piotecme chaiactei of those
duties, he will do it You aia hound to be satistied with
that assurance 1 again oamebtly hope that tho motion
ffill not be allowed to pasb (Hiwr. nea )

MISCELLANEOUS SPEECHES
AND ADDRESSES.

RETIREMENT OF LORD RIPON.

The foVowiiKj speech Wti^ dehoeicd hcfoie the public
mectinq of the native inhabitants of Bombay in honoui
of Laid Papon, on his irtncmcnt fiovi the Viceroyaltyr
convened by the Sheiiif in the Town Hall, an Sat la day
the 'iOth Noveiubei, IHSf The Hon’blc Sii Jamsetjoe
Jei jeebhoy, Bart, C SI , in the Chan

Ml Diulabhai Naoioii, who was leceived with loud
and piolongecl cheeis, m suppoifcinq the Resolution, ^
said — Ml Chau man and Gentlemen, — All India fiom
one end to the othei pioclaims the iighteousness and
good deeds of Loid Eipon Theie aie not manj peisons
.among the thousands that have assembled heie, oi among
the hundieds of thousands ot thi'i city oi among the mil-
lions of this Piesidenc^, who have not his great sei vices
by heait {Gheei s ) It will be useless foi me to waste any
time in aieiteiation of them I shall touch upon what
btiikes me as the biightest stars in the whole gala\y of
Ills deeds The greatest questions ot the Indian problem
to my mind at present are, our material and luoial loss,

• Ihat this meeting repre&entmg the \aiious native com-
munities of Western India, desires to place on recoid the deep
se:'‘-e of gratitude entertained bj them for the eniment services
to India rendered by the Marquis of Ripon during his
idrainistration as Viceroy of Tndi?

AJISCELL U'jrotj'? SWSnCHl.S VDDKESSKS 1()9

=ind oui political education foi self-goveinment Foi
the toimei, the fust !»ioat achievement of the Bipoii
Oovainment is a couiagoous and candid acknowledgment
that the mateual and educational condition of India is
that ot e'tieine poveitj Aftei this hold and iighteous
lecognition, England will feel bound to lemedy this gieat
evil {Chcei i ) Loid Eipon’s Go\einmant has. howevei
not lemamed satisfied with theii acknowledgment, but
has laid the foundation of the leinedy bv resolving
that Indian eneigy, Indian lesomces, and Indian
agency must be developed in evoiy way and in all depait-
raents with hioad and equal lustice to all Foi the
second — oui political cducition — nothing can be a moie
conclusive pioof of the success of his raeasuies in that
dnection than the sight ol the gieat and national
political uplieaviiig in the ovation that is now being
pouied upon Inm thi oughout the length and bieadth ol
Indii Vnd V e om selves ai 6 lieie today as the piool
of the success of oui political ediu atioii {'Jhee) s ) Wc
.ue to pioposo a memoiial to Loid Bipon But what
vill liundied such meinoiial-. he to tlie gieat monuments
ho lias himself laiscd to Inrubell ’ \s self-gov einment,
and self-administiatioii and education advanced, foi
winch all he has latsed gieat nov laudniaiks, his meinoii
shall exist at eveiv moment ot India’s life, and they will
he the eveilasting inonaments, bofoie which all oui
meinoiials will sink into uttci insignificance It w’as
asked in St Paul wheie ■S\ien’s monument was This,
St Paul itself, was hismonument, wastheieply What
IS Ripon’s monument ’ It will baansweied India itself
— a self-goveimng and piospeious nation and lov^al
to the Biitish tluone Canning v.as Pandy Canning,
ae IS now the Canning the Just of the Biitish bis

170

ftPEEClIKS OF DAnVinJAI KAOROTI

touan Tho native histoiian with aclmuation arm
giatitude, and the English histoiian, with pude and
pleasiuo, will point to Eipon, as Kipou the Eightoous,
tlie maltei and benefactoi of a nation of hundieds of
nulhons {Loud clieu) s.) But by fai the gieatest service
that Ripon has done, is to England and Englishmon
lie has raised the name and gloiy of England and the
Englishmen, and rivetted India’s loyalty to the British
lule Deep and unshakoable as^ my faith is iii tlie
English ohaiactei foi fauness and dosue to do good to
India, I must confess during my humble effoits in
Indian politics, I was sometimes diivon to despaii, and
to doubt my faith But Eipou has completely restoied
it to its full intensity, that England’s conscience is light
and England will do its duty aud peiform its gieat
mission in India, when she has such sous, so puie of
heart and high in statemanship. (Ohupis) I pray
that oui Sovereign give us always Vhcaroys like Eipon
The good deeds of Eipon are sung all over tho land by all
from the prince to peasant I am informed that ad-
dresses will flow from the poor agriculturists when Loid
Eipon arrives here, and I have the pleasure of reading
to you a letter to me from a prince This is what H,
the Thakore Saheb Bhagvatsmghjee of Oondal says — “ I
am happy to note that a movement is being sot on foot
in Bombay to peipetuato the memory of the letiring
"Viceroy, Lord Eipon He has stionghold on the loyalty
and affection of our people, with whose vital mteiests
lie has identihed himself So the movement of whioli
y ou are a promoter has my best sympathies As a alight
tiibute of my admiration for the noble Lord Eipon,
I beg to subscribe Rs 3,000 to the Ripen Memorial
i’uud ” (OheciSi) For the sentiments of His Highness the

MISOELLANBOUS SrEBCHES ANP APDBBSSES 171

.1 ua 8 .ih 0 b Vibhaiee of a Jamnaggur, you can pidga beqfc
Nrhen I tell you that he with his Kuvai Jasvatsmghieo
lids subscribed Eb 10,000 to the Eipon Meinoiial The
Tliakoi’e Sahelis of Eaialcote and. Katosan ha-ve albO suh-
hcubed My friend Mr Huikissondas has lUst this
iiioment leceived a telegiam from H H The Thakoro
Saheb of Limiee, the Hon’ble Jesvatsinghjee, auhsoubing
Es 5,000 to the Eipon Momoiial A deputation fiom the
gloat meeting of Sholapore, which was piesided ovei by
Ml Satyendranath Taioie, has attended heie Also
another deputation fiom Khandesh Well, gentlemen,
these two months will be an epoch and a blight page in
Indian histoiy, and we shall be for avei proud that we
had the good foitune to have had a shaio in honouring
the gieat name of Eipon (Ln^d and pwhnned ckea)<i.)

THE FAWCETT MEMORIAL MEETING.

The followimi speech tuns diUvcied hefoie the puhLie
'ineehngs of the mhabitaiits of Botnhay, held in the Toion
Hall, on the 2nd September, 1885, convened by the Bom-
bay Presidency Association foi the pm pose of taking steps
to raise a memoital to the late Pxifcssoi Fawcett His
BtcclUncy Lord Beat], Govotmn of Bombay, in the Ghan
Ml Dadabhai Naoroii, who was greeted witli loud
and prolonged cheei^, said — Tom lilxcollency, Ladies
and Gentlemen, — I beg to jiiopose that a committee be
foimed to take necessary stops foi collecting funds
foi the memorial, and foi deciding what foim the
memorial should take. Mi 1’ M Mehta, the Jlon’ble
Ml K T Telang, Messrs. ]d F, Waoba, E M Sayani,
and Vandrawandas Puishotumdas acting as honoiary
seeretaues to the fund I take this pioposition in hand
with more grief than delight 1 knew Piofessoi Fawcett
peisonally, and I know what loss we have suffered
Theie is a gr eat deal that is always made public and ap
predated by the public as fai as it is known, but there is
a gieat deal more that is done by good men which nevei
sees the light of publication, and which consequently is
never appreciated I give my personal experience of the
w'oith of this gieat man, which wull show you that
whereas m a public way he has done a great deal of
good, he has also privately and behind the Scones been
proved as useful a fiiend of India as ever any man
has been To give mj own personal lomimscences of

MISCELLANEOUS SPEECHES AND ADDRESSES 17.^

one 01 two incidents, 1 can tell you that whan I
appeared before the Ifmance Committee in England in
1873, I had paihaps the laahness of wiiting a letter
beforehand of what I wanted to give my evidence upon
What I said theie, somehow or othei, did not suit Mi
Ayrton, the chan man of the committee, and he hindered
and hampered me in eveiy way Befoi e I went to the
committee 1 saw Mr Eawoett, who was always sympa-
thising with us, and I laid before him the notes which i
wanted to submit to the committee He considered them
very carefully and told mo that that was the very thing
that ought to he brought to the committee Bub, strange
to say, that when I went before the committee Mi Ayiton
chose to decide that that was lusb the thing that was not
to be hi ought hefoie the committee On the first day I
was haidly able to give evidence of what I wanted to
say But the ne\t day, when it came to Mr Fawcett’s
turn to examine me, in a senes of judicious and pointed
questions, he brought out all that I had to say m a huef
and deal mannei You will see fiom this that although
such little incidents scaicely become public, they are in
themselves not without then value He did, in tact, an
invaluable seivicc m enabling a native of India to saj all
that he wanted to say, whether it was right oi wrong
Hoie 18 an instance of the justice and feailessness with
which ho wanted to tieat tins country. (Oheai s ) Fancy
a noble commanding figuie standing on the flooi of the
House of Commons laspoctfully listened to by the whole
House, pleading the cause of hundreds of millions of
people whom ho had not aeon, pleading as effectively as
any of India’s own sons could evei do (cheers), holding
like unto the blind deity of justice the scales in his hands
even between fiionds and foes in small matters and in

174 SPEJGCHBS ()J'' J)An\lJUAI NAOROJI

’reati {Load cJicei •. ) That js the l)lind inau we liave
issainhlecl feo-day to Jiououi. You can easdy perceive
low many a time, iig I saw him pleading oui cause,
[ felt a sort of awe and voneiation as foi a supeiioi
lemg (Cht’e) s ) In his speeches he navai stooped to
latcli a momentai^ applause, hut he always spoke
n sobei language woids of wisdom — woids that spiang
aom his lunei conviction— -that in then turn carried
lonviotion to aveiy one around liira (Chocib) We
ire told that where good men stand the ground be-
loraas holy Ileie his influence and his words reach
ind peimeate the whole atmospheie, and whoever
oreathes the atmosphere oatolieo something of tlrat good-
aess and that sincerity towaids natuio ,and God Ge
was one of those men who not only in the senate stood
arm and bold and dealt out even lustice to fiiand and
■oe alike, but on the stumping platform too be was the
»ame considerate man, who never uttered a. word to sink
mto the vulgai riowd, but alwa\s tiled to laiso them to
i level higher and better than they were before he spoke.
Ele himself, we know, had grappled the subject of Indian
problems with peifoct clearness and m all then- details
Ee learned from Anglo-Indians, but ho subsequently
became the teacher of ^11 Anglo-Indians lie told them
that the timo was coming when the policy of the British
idministiation should be entirely changed, that the wav
in which British India was governed was not the way
in which it was fib to be governed by a nation of
Englishmen He understood and always declared that
he belonged to a nation to whom India was confided
in the providence of God for therr care and help He
felt himself to be one of that nation, and ho felt the
instinct of Euglishraon to do that only which was

M1SCELTANE0U3 SPEECHES AND ADDRESSES 17£

lust and liglifc, and to receive the glory derived fiom the
advancement of civihaation and by the raising of man-
liind instead of trampling them down under foot He
felt that duty as an Englishman, and he earnestly and
devotedly performed that duty as far as one man of
ability and earnestness could ever do {Cheett, ) We
are now threatened with a permanent addition to the
expenditure of some two millions Do those statesmen
who make suoh a proposal at all think of what they are
about '' Fawcett’s voice from the grave now rises once
again, and we are reminded of his woids in connection
with the Licence Tax Ho said that if such an odious
and unjust tax had been imposed, it was because no
better one oould be substituted m its place, and he
further stated that when tlie time came for them to
impose another tax, the Oovei nment would be reduced
to great straits, and they would have to impose a tax as
must end m disaster and serious peul {Cheers.) The
statesmen who aie now thinking of imposing the
additional buiden of expenditure must beai in mind the
words of this great man, pondei over them, and care-
fully consider how far they can impose fmther burdens
on the extremely poor people of India {Cheei s )
When I say the people are extremely poor, the words are
mot mine, but those of Mr Fawcett and many other
eminent statesmen I do not want to detain the
audience any longer, but I will only say the man Is dead,
but Ins vs Olds will remain , and I only hope that he will
inspire others to follow in his footsteps and to earn the
blessings of hundieds of millions of the people of this
country {Loud avd piolonaed dieei s )

INDIA’S INTEREST IN THE
GENERAL ELECTION. (1886.)

The followuio simch wu'. delivered before a meotinq of
die niembeis oj- the Bombay Biesideiiey Assoctaiion, held
1 % the looms of the Assooiution on Tuesday evening, the
TDth Septewbsi, 1885 Mi {iioiii Su) Duisha Mcuwclji
Petit III the Chan

The Ilon'ble Mi DacUhhai Naoi’oii pioposecl — “That
the following candidates, on account of then services
and opinions publicly expiossed by them on Indian ques
tions, ai 0 deseiving of the suppoit of the Indian
people — The Right Ilon’ble Mr John Bught, tlie
Marquis of Haitmgton, Mt ] Slagg, Su J Pheai, Mi.
L Ghose, Ml W Digby, Mi W S Blunt, Mr S Roy,
Mr S. Laing, Captain Veiney, and Mi. W. 0 Plowden
That the views legaiding Indian questions publicly
aipiessed by the following candidates cannot be accepted
as repiesentmg Indian interests ,~Sir Richard Temple,
Mr J, M Maclean, Mr A S Ayiton, Sir Lewis Polly,
and Su Bopei Lethbiidge ’’ He said — ■! apeak to the
motion which is placed in my hands with a deep sense
of Its impoitance Hitheito it has been said, and it
will be so geneially, that the English people can mostly
deiive then infoimation about India from Anglo-
Indians, olScial and non-official, but chiefly fiom the
formei But theie aie Anglo-Indians and Anglo-Indians
Some, but then numliei is small, have used their eyes
Tightly, have looked beyond the nairow circle of their

MISOfiLLANEOOS SPEECHES ANH AJ>URESSES 177

owti office, have sympathised with tlia natives, and
tiled to undeistand them and to lind out then tiua
vv ants and aspiiations Unfortunately the laige numbei
ol Anglo-Indians do not lake such wide views, oi such
inteiest in the natives as would enalile them to ludge
lightly of the actual condition of India Now, whan we
considoi of what extreme impoitance it is to us that the
people of England should have eouect information of oui
condition and wants , how almost entuely we have to
depend upon the people and Paihament of England to
make those great lefoims which aloue can remove the
serious evils from which we aie suffeiing, it is no ordi-
nary necessity foi us that we should take some steps, by
which we may infoim the gicatUiitish public, on which
souices of mfoimation thev could lelv with any confi-
dence. As I have said, the nuuihoi of those who have the
necessaiy tiue expoiienco and inteiest in the natives is
vei^ small It is extiemely necessaiy that such should be
pointed out hv us We also find that several Englishmen
visiting India, as impartial obseiveis, \/ithout any bias oi
pioiudices, have often foimed a moie coiiect estimate of
the position and necessities of India than many an
Anglo-Indian of the so called expeuence of twentj oi
thuLy jeais. Even some who have not been heie at
all, foim fan and lUst estimates It is not iilwayo that
wa oan appioaoh the Eiitish people m a way so as to
secuie the geneial attention of the whole nation at the
same time The piesent occasion of the new elections
IS one of those rare occasions in xs'hich wo can appeal to
the whole nation, and especially in a way most useful
foi oui purpose It is in Paihament that our chief'
battles have to be fought The election of its mem-
beis, especially those who piotess to speak on Indian

178 SPEECHES OF DAJ3AEHAI NAORO.TI

ruaiitets, lequnes oui eamesfc attentjon, and we should
point: out: oleaily to the electors, which of those candi-
dates, who make India a plank in then ciodentials, have
our confadenee We do not at all intend to influence
the electois in any way in matteis of their choice of the
lepiesentatives that suit them best foi thou local politics.
What we desue to impress upon them is, that so fai as
the important element of the deliberations on Indian
questions is concerned, we desue to name those candi-
dates who aio deseivmg of om confidence and support,
and on whom we can rely as would fauly and light-
eously represent oui leal wants and just lights before
Parliament It is with this object that I ask you to
adopt the Resolution before you The first name in our
Resolution is the bright name of the Right Hon’bla
Ml. John Bright Now, I do not ceitainly presume that
I can say anything, oi that oui association can do any-
thing that can in the least add to the high position Mi
Bright occupies What I say, theiefoie, is nob with any
view that we givo any siippoit to him, but as an expres-
sion of our esteem and admiration, and of oui giatitude
for the waim and righteous interest he has evinced on
om behalf. I would nob ceitainly take up your time in
telling y ou what ho is and what he has done Ills fame
and name are familiar to the wide world I may simply
refer to a few matteis concerning ourselves Our gieat
chartei is the gracious Pioclamation of the Queen, That
pioclamation is the veiy test by which we test fiionda
or foes , and it is Mi Bright, who first pioposod and
urged the duty and necessity of issuing such a procla-
mation, at a time when the heads of many weie be-
wildered and lost, m his speech on tho India Bill in 1858,
I should not tarry long on the tempting subject, for, if

’\ri.''07?LLANBOUS SPEECHES AND ADDRESSES 17 ')

I went on quoting fiom All Bright’s speeches, to show
whftt lie has done moie than a quaitei of a contuiy ago,
ishing for us what we have been only latterly beginning
to give utteiauce to, I might detain you foi hours. I
must, howeiei, givo you a few shoit oxtiacts, showing
noth tlie earnestness and the intense sense of lustice of
the man “The people of India, ’’ he said, “have the
hightobt and stiongest claims upon you — claims which
you cannot foiget — claims which if you do not act upon,
you may lely upon it that, if theie he a judgment foi
nations — as 1 believe theie is, as foi individuals — oui
childien in no distant geneiabion must pay the penalty
which we have purchased by neglecting om duty to the
populations of India ’’ In his speech of 1^03, on the occa-
sion of the lonewal of the E I Company’s chaiter, re-
ferring to the miseiable condition of the masses of India,
he said — “ I must say that it is my liehel that if a
countiy be found possessing a most feitile soil and
capable of bearing every larietv of pioductiou. and that
notwithstanding, the people aie in a state of evtieine
doncitution and suflering, the chances aie that theie is
some fundamental eiioi m the government of that
country’’ When, may I ask, will oiu luleis see this
"fundamental euoi ‘‘ ’’ I have purposely confined myself
to his older uttei antes so fai, that we may fully ap-
preciate the iighteous advocacy at a time when oiu own
voice was feeble and baldly lieaid at all. You will allow
me to make one leteience to In'! latei words, and you
will see how be is yet the ^ame man and the same tiiend
of India In his “ Public Lettais,” in a lettei wntten
by him last vear to a gentleman at Calcutta, ho says —
“ It lb to me a great n^stery that England blioiild
lie in the position she now is in relation to India. I

180 SPEECHES OF HAJJAliUAI NAOEOJI

hope it may be wifchin the ouleung of Piovidenco that
ulfcimateh good may aiise fiorn it 1 am convinced
fcliaf; this can only come fiom the most ]usfc Govern-
ment iftlnch we aie able to confai upon youi count
lesv milhonsi and it v\’ill alwaye be a duty and a
pleasure to me to help forward any measuie that niay
tend to the well-being ot yom people ” The Maiqms of
llartington also occupies a position to uhich we can
hardly add anything But as wo have dm mg his State
Secietaiyship of India observed Ins disposition towards
a due appieciation and fulfilment of the noble principles
ot the Pioolamation, and bis emphatically identifying
himself with the righteous Eipon policy at a time of
otuoial trial — during the excitement ot the Ilbeit Bill —
wo oamiiot but take this oppoitunity ot expressing oui
thanks and our confidence in him To assure you the
more fully of this duty upon us, you will permit me to
read a tow words on this very topic from his speech of
23id August, 18S3 After pointing out the insutticiency
of the administiation, and the inability of India to
afford more for it, he said — " If the country la to be
better governed, that can only be done by the employ-
ment of the best and most intelligent of the natives in
the service There is a further reason, m my opinion,
why this policy should be adopted, and that is, that it
IS not wise to educate the people of India, to introduce
among them, your civilization and yoru progress and
your literature, and at the same time to tell them, they
shall never have any chance of taking any part or share
in the administration of the affairs of their country
except by their getting rid, in the fiist instance, of their
European rulers" I cannot #e[rain myself from ex-
pressing my deep regret that wo are not able to moludo

MISCELLA.NEOU& SPLECnE-^ VEl) ADDRESSES 181

in Dili present list a name that akindb pie-eminently
high as one of om best fnencls — I mean Mr Fawcett
But I trust you will allow me to give a few short
extiacts, as a warning and a voice fioin the giave, of
one who had tlie welfaie oi the pooi and dumb millions
at lieait Though he is dead liis spuit may guide our
othei fiiends, and our luleis 1 give these extracts as
specially beating on the piesent disastious move of im-
posing a peimanent additional annual buidan of some
two to three croies of rupees upon us, and on the
whole Indian problem With lefeience to the Afghan
policy he said in 1879 — “ It cannot be too stiongly in-
sisted upon that in the existing financial condition of
India, no peril can be moie seiious than the adoption'
of a policy, which, if it should lead to a laige additional
expondituie, would sooner oi latei necessitate an in*
Cl ease of taxation The additional taxation which

must be the inevitable aecomp.iniiuent of moi eased
expoiidituie will bring upon India the giaxest perils”
\gdin — 'The question, howevei, as to the exact piopoi-
tion in which the cost of pui suing a foixvaid policy in
Afghanistan should be home by England and India
lespectivaly will have again to ha considered anew, now
that it has become necessai\ to lenew hostilities m
Afghanistan ” These woids apph with equal foice to-
day when we aie threatened with a large unnecessary
additional buiden On the subiect of the whole Indian
pioblem, he said — “ Although theie is much in the
present financial condition of India to cause the most
serious appieheusion, yet theie is one ciicumstance
connected with it which maj faiily he legaided as a
most hopeful omen for the future Until quite lately,
India was looked upon as an extiemelj wealthy country,
2d— J3

182

Sl'BECUljS OF lUDABHAI NAOEOJI

and fcheie was no pioject, liowever costly, that India
■was not supposed to be iicb enough to pay for Non,
however, justei ideas of the losouices of the oountiy
and of the condition of the people pievail The lecui-
leuce of fammeb have at length led the Bnghsli

public to take fiim hold of the fact that India is an
evtiemely pooi countiy, and that the gieat mass of hei
people aie in such a state of impoveiishment that the
Government will have to contend with exceptional
diflicalties if it becomes nece&seiy to piocure mciea&ed
levenue by additional taxation ’’ “ Without an houi s
delay the fact should be lecognized that India is not in
a po''ition to pay foi vaiious seivices at then piesent
late of lemuneiation A most impoitant saving might
be ettecteci by moie laigely employing natives in posi-
tions which aie now filled by highly paid Europeans,
and fiom such a change political as well as financial
advantages would lesult ’’ “The entiie system in
' which the Goveinmenb of India is conducted must lie
I changed The illusion is only ]ust beginning to pass
away that India is an extiamely wealthy countiy ” “The
financial condition of India is one of such extreme peiil
that economy is not only desiiable but is a matte i of
impeiative necessity ” “ No misfoitune which could
happen to India could be greater than having to make
hei people beat the burden of inci eased taxation ”
“ In oidei to lestoie the finances of India and pieieut
them dnfting into hopeless embarrassment, it is abso-
lutely essential that the policy of ‘ ligid economy m
every branch of the public service ’ which has been
recently announced by the Government should be
earned out rvrth promptitude and thoroughness ” This
policy was announced by the Conservative Government

MIfiCELIiANEUTJs SPEECHES AND \DDEESbE3 18 i

'iml now all this is forgotten and the Conseivative
(.ioveinment aie pioposing to buiden ns with additional
expenditure of two oi three millions, oi may be moie '
ATe cannot too btiongly pioteat against this In all the
axtiaots I have lead you Mill peicaive the kind of policy
which oui friends have uiged, and this test, oi as I may
shortly call, the Eoyal Pioclamation Policy, is the pim.
cipal one by which we may disoiiminata ftiands fiom
those who eithei fiom ignoiance oi naicow-mmcled
selfishness advocate a difteient policy Judging by this
test, I may say that all the othei names m the first
part of the Resolution aie fauly entitled to oui conli-
deaoe and to an appeal fiom us to the constituencies
to return them to Parliament as fai as our interests
are concerned Their writings show that they have
a good grasp of our position and wants 1 may refer
to Mr Slags s news and efiorts to abolish the India
Council Nothing can be moie absuid than that m
the nineteenth century and in England itself, the first
home of public and free discussion upon all public
matters, there should exist a body to deliberate secretly
upon the destinies of a sixth of the human race 1 It is
an utter anacluonism Mr Slagg’s laudable and persist-
ent etloits to get an inqriiiy into the Government
of India promise^ to be successful Messis Slagg,
Digby, Keay, Blunt, and ‘Veiney’s wutings show that
they undeistand Us and have done us good service
About Mr Lai Mohun Chose I need not say moie than
that he is the only one tliiough whom the Indians will
now have a chance of speaking for themselves. I have
aveiy hope that ho will do justice to himself, and fulfil
tho expectations which India has rested ou him by
honest and hard work for the welfare of his country.

18J SPEECHES! OP ]J\OVEH\I NAOKOJI

“We must feel veiy thankful to the electois of Gieen-
wich foi giving him such %\eloome and sympathy a'^
the> have done They haie sliown lemaikable hbeial-
ifc',. iindioated the English spiiit of lustice and philan-
tluopy, have held out a hand to us of equal citizenship,
and nobly confiimed the sinceiitv of the Eoyal Piocla-
luation, by then action as a pait of the English nation
Ml Laing has, I am afiaid, some incoiiect notions
about the balance of the tiade of India, but we know
that he undeistands India well and will continue to be
useful in piomotmg oui welfaie Sir John Pheai and
Mr Plowden aie known to us foi then sympathies
with ns Su John Pheai ’s book “ The Aiyan Village,”
shows much sympathetic study of the country and its
institutions, and he pioved oui fiiend at the time of
the Ilbeit Bill He said — “ We have a highei duty to
India than to consult the pieiuclices of this kind of a
few thousands of oui own countiyroen, who aie there
today, but may be gone to-moirow We have to
govern that vast empire iii the interest of the millions,
who constitute the indigenous population of the coun-
try ” Mr Plowden says, with lefeience to Lord Eipon’s
policy — “ I know it to be lUst, I know it also to be
honest and earnest, I behave it to be sound and
thoroughly practical ” I next come to oui second list
As I have already said, wo do not ask the constituencies
not to letuin them if they aie suitable bo them on other
gtounds We only ask that whatever wergbt the electors
may give to then other qualrfications, they would not
taka them as fair exponents or trustworthy rnterpreters
of India’s wants and ]ust wishes, and as favouring us by
electing them With regard to Sir E. Temple I need
say nothing more than that ha endeavours to produce

MISCELLVNBQUS SPEECHES AND ADDEESSES IBo

the wiong and mischievous irapieesiou upon the minds
of the English people that Tndij, is piosperous and in-
ei easing m piespoi’ity, in the teeth of the early and
latest testimony of eminent men and m the teeth of
facts Mr Fawcett told that the illusion was passing
away, while Su Eichaid keeps it up • I do not advoit to
some of his acts in India, such as the stiange contiast
of 2 lbs rations in Bengal and the disastrous 1 lb
lation famine policy beie, probably to please highei
authorities — his high-handedness, his tieatment of the
local funds, etc , etc I confine myself to an utterance
01 two of hib aftei leaving India It is strange that a
quaiter of a century ago Mi Eichaid Temple was able
to taka and e\pie-'S a remaikahly intelligent view of the
Indian problem In connection with the Puniab he e\-
pounded the causes, ol Punjab’s poverty and revival lu
his report of 1850 in these significant and cleai woids —
‘ In foimei reports it was e\plained bow the ciicrrm-
stance of so much money going out of the Punjab
contiibuted to clepiess the agiicultuust The natue
regular army was Ilmdustani, to them was a large bhaie
of the Punjab revenue disbursed, of which a part only
they spent on the spot and a part rvas remitted to their
homes Thus it was that yeai after yeai, lakhs and
lakhs weie drained fiom the Punjab, and enuched
Oudh But within the last yeai the native army being
Punjabea, all sucli sums hare been paid to them, and
ha \0 been spent at home Igain, many thousands
of Puujabee soldieis are serving abroad These men
not only remit then savings, but also have sent quan-
tities of pirze piopeitv and plunder, the spoils of Hindus-
tan, to their natue villages The effect of all this is
already perceptible in an increase of agricultural capital.

IKG SfliBCHKS OT? DAKMUUI NVORUJI

a fiesv ciicTilation of: mone^ ami a fiesh mijDefvip, to
cnltu'aiiion ” Now, yontlemen, am I not lUbtifiad ui
'jaying that it is strange that what ]\Ii Biehaid Temple
of twentv-hve yeais past saw so mtelligently, about
I’anjali, Sii Eicbard Temple of the piesoiit day does not
01 w'onld not see about India, whouee, not meielv " lakhs
and labbs” hufchundredb and hundreds of lakhs — thuty
hundred or so lakhs aio drained to England. He cannot,
it appears, now grasp the pioblem of India as he did
that of the Punjab I cannot undeitake to o\plain this
phenomenon. What may be the reason or object ’ He
alone can explain As he la presently dorng mrschief bv
posing as a friend, I can only say “ save us from such a
fiieud ” We cannot but speak out, however unwillmglr ,
that Sir Eichard Temple is not a safe and correct guide
for the people of England for India’s wants and wishes
While Bright in ’G.S, Lawience in. ’GI and '73, Fawcett
rn in, the London Punch''! grand cartoom of Disillusion
in '70 portraying the wretched tndian woman and
children, with the shorn pagoda tree ovei then heads,
begging alms of John Bull, Hunter in ’80, Baring in ’82,
deplore the impoverishment of the masses of India, Su
Eiohaicl in a fine phrenzy talks m ’.S,") ‘ of their homes
becoming happier, their acres broader, then harvest
richer ” “ India is prospering, there is no lack of

subsistence, no shrinkage of occupation, no discontent
with the wages at homo, and in consequence no seaich-
ing for wages abroad” And yet some light-hearted
people coolly talk of sending him as a Viceroy here !
No gieatei mistoitnne could befall India 1 About Mi
Alaolean I need not say much as you are all well aware,
that he has been throughout his whole career' in India a.
tlioiough partisan and an avowed and cleterniined anti-

MI':,CBL1jA.NE0U-5 SPEECUES and VDDBESSEfi 187

nathe, w:Lh a few raia mteivale of fairness lie can
ne\6i be a fau and fcrustwoilhy mterpietei of oui views
and wishes lie off liandedly oa^ m his letter in toe-
fioiihbav GaztiUe of 9tb June last “ifv Slagg recited
tlie usual lubbish about the deploiablo poverty and
oveitasation of the Indian people ” So you see, gentle-
men, who Ml Maclean is lie is a gieat man bafoio
whom tho views of such poisons as Blight, Fawcett,.
Lawienoe, the PitiiGt, and Baling are all tnoie lubbish *
Ml Ayiton’s whole policy can be summed up in a few
woids — treat natives geutly, hut give them no posts of
pouer 01 responsibility , ha\ e no legislative councils with
non-offioial element, and if you have, put no natives lu
them V He says — " The power of goveinmg must le-
main, as it had hitherto been, S 0 J 0 I 5 and exclusively m
the hands of Biitishsubiects going out of this oouutiy ”
“ Why W010 we to teach the natives, what they had
f iilod m disco veung foi themselves, that thev would one
ilav bo a great nation ” This un-Euglish nariow-
inmdednesb and puiblmdnoss is the uoist thing that can
luppon to England and India botli, and according to it
all that the best and highest English statosmeu, and even
oui Sovereign have pi omised and sard about high duty,
pibtice, pohoy, etc , mustbecomo so many empty words,
hollow promises, and all sham and delusion My peiso-
nal relations with Sir L Pelly at Baioda woie, as you
know, friendly, but the reason of his name appearing in
thu list IS that he was an instiument of Loid Lytton’s
Afghan policy, and that as fai as his views may hav'e coin-
cided with the Lytton policy, he cannot fairly represent
our views against that policy About Sir Roper Leth-
bridge I was under the impiession that when he was-
Press Oommissionei, he was regarded as one sympathis-

188

SI’JiKOHr', UF PADAEHU N\OBOJI

ing ■Wlih the natives But when the Jay o£ the ciucial
trial came, the Ilbert Bill and the Bipon policy, it was
then found out that his views weie anything but wliat
would be lugt, fan and sympathising towards the natives
of India In addition to the names I have mentioned
I am lequired to mention Sir James Feigusson, and I
cannot but agiee to do so though with some leluctance
I have personally much lespect foi him, an^'I do not
forget that he has done soma good In the matter of
the native piincos he enunciated a ooiieot pimoiple some
eighteen years ago when he was Under Seoietary of State
foi India Presicling at a meeting of the Bast India
Association, 1S(57, lie said — “It is eainestly to be
hoped that the piinoes of India look upon the engage-
ments of the Butibh Queen as urevooable,’’ and I believe
he consistently carried out this principle when heia with
the piinces ol this Piesidency We cannot also foiget
that whan acting upon his own instincts he did good m
matters of education and social rntercouise, and nomi-
nated to the Legislative Council our friends the Hon'ble
Mr. Budroodeen and the Hon’ble Mr Telang as repre-
sentatives of the educated class, letaining also the Hon’ble
Mr !Mundhk You can easily conceive then my reluct-
ance to speak against him, notwithstanding some mis-
takes and failuies in Ins administration as Governoi
undei official misguidance But when 1 see that after his
ariival m England he has made statements so incoriact
and misehievous m results, m some matters most vital to
India, it is incumbent upon us to say that he does not
know the true state of India Fancy, gentlemen, my regret
and surprise when I lead these words from the latest
Governor of Bombay — “At the present time her (India’s)
people were not heavily taxed, and it was a great mistalce

jnscLi.TANrous ppEEcnrs and addees&es 189

to suppose that thev wore ” This is a mafcfcei ot easy
ascei. tainment, and the heaviness of taxation is lepeatod
by acknowledged eminent men Heie are a few figuies
which will tell thoir own tale The income of the
United Kingdom may be loughly taken at £1,200,000,000
and its gloss levenue about G87,000, 000, giving a pio-
poition of about 7^ pei cent of the income Of Biitish
India the income is hardly £400,000,000 and its gi oss
revenue about 1*70,000,000 giving 17^ pei cant of the
income, and j et Sii J'mies tolls the English people that
the people of India aie not hoaMly taxed, thiough paying
out of this wretched income, a gioss levenue of more
than double the piopoition of what the people of the
euoimously iicli England pay foi then gioss levenue
Contiast with Sii James’s statement the pictiue which
Ml Fawcett gives in his papei in the Nnietoenth Centin y,
of Octobei 1K70 — " If a oompaiison is made between
the financial resouices of Kngland and India, it will be
found almost impossible to con vey an adequate idea of the
poveifcy of tlie lattei countiy * ' and consequently it is
found that taxation in India has leached almost its oi-
f}pnio limits ” Again hesaj’s “ It is paiticulaily \\oit]i;y
of lamaik that the Yiceiov and Secietaiy of State now
unieseivedly accept the conclusion that the hinit
of taxation his hoen leuLhcd in India, and that it
has consequently become imperatively necessaiy thati
axpendituie shoi’ld be leduced ” (The italics aie
mine) Now, gentleman, mark this particulailv When
in 1879 the Oonseivativo Viceroy and Secietarj of
State had, as Mi Fawcett says, unieseivedly accepted
that the limit of taxation had been leaebed in India,
the gross levenue was only £05,000,000 while the bud-
getted revenue of the piesent yeai is already £72, 000,000,

Illy SPEECHES Oii’ HADAHHAI N\OIlon

aufl \vo aie now fclnealenoil by tlio same Governmant
with an addition of £2,000,000 oi £3,000,000 moie pei-
manantly This is teiiible Change the entiio system as
Lh Ifawcetb says, substitute foi tho present destiiictive
foieign agency, the constiuctive and conseivative natne
agency, except foi the highei posts of power, and you
can have a hundred millions oi two hundred millions
with ease foi purposes of government oi taxation This
IS the difference between Fawcett and Feigusson lloth
aia gentlemen, but the foiraoi speaks from careful hard
studv , the latter without it Mischievous as such state-
ments generally aie, they aie still moie so when doh-
leied befoie a Manchester audience, who imfoitunately
yet do not undeistaud then own true interests, and the
interests of the Enghsh workmen They do not under
stand yet that then greatest interest is in mcieasing tho
alulity of the Indians to buy their manufactuies That
if India were able to buy a pound woith of then ootton
manufactures pel head pei annum, tliat would give them
a tiade of £250,000,000 a year instead of the present
poor imports into India of £25,000,000 of ootton yam
and manufactuies fiom all foreign countiiesof the woild
Sii James, I think, has made another statement that all
offices in India are oocupied bj the natives except the
highest I am not able to put my hand, lusb now upon
the place wheie I read it. But if my impression be col-
lect, I would not waste words and youi time to ammad-
veit upon such an exhcaoiditiaiy incorrect statement, so
utterly contrary to notorious facts Why, it is tlie head
and front, the very soul of all our evils and grievances
that the statement is not the fact or reality as it ought
to be. This is thfe very thing which will put an end to
all oui troubles, and lemedy all oui evils o! poverty and

MISCEriLANEObb SITECHES AND AUDRI'^SBS 191

theiwi&e Lefc Sir Jame-. luing ifc about, and he will
Q our greatest benefactoi and England’s best friend In
oncludmg, I may lay down a test for our appeal to the
lectors, that wlriche\er c.indidates are not iii accord
7ith the Eoyal Proclamation, and with the lines of the
iipon policy, they aie those whom we ask to bo not
egarded as trustworthy and fait interpreters of our
news and wishes The Eesolution has Mr Blunt’s
lama in the first list and Mi Aiyton’s in the second
Chis will show that we aie not actuated by a spiiit ot
lartisanship 'Whoever are our real fiionds, he they
hibeialor Oonseivative, wo call them our friends Dif-
auences ot opinion in some details will no doubt ooom
retween us and our f i rends, but m e at e desir ous to suppor t
ihern, because the broad and important hues of poliC 5 ',
n’hich India needs, such ns those of the Proclamation
rnd the Eipon policy, and the bioad and irapoitant facts
rf our tiue condition, aie well undeistood and adopted
rj those friends for then guidance in thou work for the
nelCai o of India ( 1 isr)

INDIA AND THE OPIUM QUESTION

The follow I mj speech was Jelioeied bafoie a Oonfaicncc
which took place nt the ofjtecs of the Sooictij foi the Sup-
pi ess ion of the OptimTiailr, Bioadway Ghambcis, West-
mi nstei , on Monday iiftci noon, Octoboi 1886, to ha hc
a flank inleiohatuia of opinion with the Hon'bla Ih
Dadabh'ti Naoioji, M L C,cindolhei Indian ijeiitlainen
on the siiliject of the Opiiint Tiadc wdh spcoiul lefei-
mce to its Indian aspects —

Ml Dadabhai Naoioii ■aaiil, — I have listened to tlie
lemaiks of the gentlemen nith veiy gieat inteiesb, foi
the simple leason that T am alniObt of the same opinion
The best pioof that I can mve to you not only of my
own meie sentiments, but of my actual conduct in la-
spect to opium, is that when I loined a mei’oantile firm in
1855, it was one of my conditions, that I should have
nothing whatever to do with opium That is as fai
back as 185.5 In 1880, in my couespondence with
the Seoietaiy of State on the condition of India, one
of the paragiaphs in my lettei with legard to the opium
tiade IS this, and I think that thu will give you at once
an idea of my opinion —

‘Theie is the opium tiale What a spectacle it is to
the world ' In England, no statesman dares to propose
that opium may he allowed to he sold m public-houses
at the Gornei’b ofeveiy stieet, ui the same way as beei ol
bpmts. On the contiaiy. Parliament, as repiesenting the
whole nuitiou, distinctly enacts that 'opium and all prapa-

MISCELLANEOUS SrULClIJ S AND ADDEES&ES 1 9‘i

rations of opium oi of poppies ’ as ‘ poison,’ be sold by
certified chemists only, and ‘ ovel^ boi, bottle, ve'.sel,
mapper, oi cover in which such poison is contained, be
distinctly labelled with the name of the aitiele, and the
woid “poison,” and with the name and address of the
seller of the poison And ^et, at the other end of the
Moild, this Ghiibtian, highly ciiiliaed, and humane Eng-
land forces a ‘heathen’ and ‘baibaious’ Power to take
this ‘ poibon,’ and tempts a last human race to use it,
and to degenerate and demoralise themselves with this,
‘poison!’ And why’’ Becuise India cannot fill up the
leiQorseless diam , so China must he dragged in to make
it up, even though it be by lieing ‘poisoned ’ It is won-
derful how England lecoiiciles this to her conscience
This opium trade is a sin on England’s head, and a cuise
on India for hei shaie in being the instiument This
may sound strange as coming from any natives of India,
as it IS generally represented as if it was India that bene
hted bv the opium trade The fact simply is that, as LIi
Duff said, India is neaily gioiinddown to dust, and the
opium tiade of China fills up England’s diain India
derives not a particle of heneht All India’s profits of
trade, and several millions from her very produce
(scanty as it is, and beconiiiig more and more so), and
with these all the profit of opium go the same way of
the diain — to England Only India shaies the cuise
of the Chinese lace. Had this cursed opium trade not
existed, India’s iniseiie-, would have much sooner coma
to the surface and lelief and lediess would have come
to her long ago , hut this trade has prolonged the
agonies of India ”

In this I have only pist explained to you what I feel
on the matter peisonalh With legard to the whole of

l‘)l srar-ciiEs op dada.bhai na.oeoji

the important question, which must be looked at in a
practical point ot view, I must leav'e sentimeat aside
I must, at the same time, say this that opinion of mine
that the opium levenue must be abolished is a peisonal
one I do not put it befoie you as the opinion of all
India I state it on my oi\n lesponsibility Theie is a
gieat feai that if the opium xevauua weie to cease, the
people of India would be utteily unable to fill up the gap
in the 1 avenue Thej feel aghast at the veiy suggestion
of it, and they go so fai as to say that the opium
levenue cannot be dispensed with I lust tall you wliat
is held theie, so that you may undeistand both sides of
the question thoiougbly Therefoia you have not the
complete sympathy of the natives of India in this mattei,
and you will find, perhaps, seveial members of the Indian
pi ess evpiessing then opinion that they could not
dispense wnth the opium levonue In fact, Mr Giant
Duff, in nnswei to some lepiesantation from youi
Society, or somebody inteiested m the abolition of the
opium tiade, has asked, in 1870, whethei they wished
to giind an already poor population to the dust. So
that he showed that even with tlie help of the opium
revenue India was ]ust on the vetge of being giound
down to the dust This, then, is the ooudition in which
India 18 situated The question is how to practically
deal with it Defoie you can deal w ith any such subject
it is necessary foi you to take mto oonsidei ation the
whole Indian problem — What has been the condition of
India, and what is the condition of India, and why has
it been so ^ Mi Dadabhai than cited official authonties
fiom the commencement of the piasent centuiy up to
the xiiesent day, including that of the late and pieseut
Tinance Ministeis, that Biitish India had been all along

MTRCLLLAI^EOOS SPEECHES AND ADDBESSES IDd

" e'Uoniely pool ” He pointed out the exceedmgh low
income of India, in, only Rs 20 pei head per annum,
as coLupaied with that of any tolerably well self-govein-
ed oouiitiy that a piogiessive and civilizing government
ought to liave inueasod tevenue. but India was utterly
unalile to yield such increasing levenue He explained
how, comparatively with its income, the pressme of tax-
ation upon the snlpects of British India was doubly
heaviai than that of England , that of England being
about 8 poi cent of its mcome, and of Butish India about
Id par cent of its incouie , that England paid from it^
plenty, and India fiom its exceedingly pool income, so
that the effect on Biitish Indian sub)ects was simply
ciushmg He pointed out that while the tiade with
Biitish India wa-, genei.illy supposed to ho veiy large,
it was m leahty very snull and wietched indeed Ha
illu4iated tins by some statistics, showing that the
oxpoits ot Butish pioduce to India was only about
I j0,00f),000 , of which a poition went to the Native
States of India and to paitof Asia, thiough the uoithein
hoidei, leaving haidly a lupee a head woith foi the
siihieots of Butish India This ceitainly could not he a
satisfactoLy lesult of a bundled ymais of Butish lule, with
everything undoi Butish contiol Aquaitei ofacentuiy
ago, he said, Mi Blight had Uoed these lemaikabla
woids “ I ,nnst aa\ that it is my belief that if a country
be tonnd possosuiig a most feitila soil, and capable of
beaiiug eveiy vanety ot pioduotion, and that notwith-
standing, the people iie in a state ot oxtieme destitution
and sutteung, the chances aie that theie is oome tnuda-
moutal erioi in the goveunnent of that countiy ” Mi
Dadabhai lugod that the bociety should find one this
hindainental euoi, and unless they did that, and made

lOG SPEECHES OP r)A.DVi;H VI NVOROH

Indi.i piospeious they could not evpecfclo ijaia then bap-
o'i oleiit. obiect of getting iid of the opium lavenue exoopfc
1)\ cau-smg India to be giound down to dust by mcieased
tivation in othei shapes This of eoiii&e the Society did
not mean thus they ought to go to the loot of the evil.
India was quite capable of giving 200 instead of 70
inilhons of levenue, if they weie allowed to keep what
they pioduced, and to develop fieely in then mateual
condition , and in such a condition India would be quite
able to dispense with the curse of the opium levenue.
Ml Padabhai then pioceeded to point out what he re-
gaided as the cause of the poveity of Biitish India Ho
cited several authorities upon the subject, and showed it
was siinplv the employment of a foreign agency that
caused a laige dram to the countiv, disabling it fiom
saving any capital at all, and loudering it weaker and
ueakoi eveiy day, foicing it to lesoit to loans foi its
wants, and becoming woi&e and worse m its economic
condition Ha esplamed at some length the process and
effect of this fundamental evil, and how even what was
called the “development ” of the lesouvces of India was
aotuallj thereby turned into the result of the “ depriva-
tion " of the resources of India In pointing out a praoti-
cable lemedy for all the evils, he said he did not mean that
a sudden revolution should be made , the remedy which
had been pointed out by a Committee of the India Office
m 1860 would be the best thing to do, to moat all the le-
quirements of the case After alluding to the Act of 1833
and the great Proclamation of 1858, a faithful fulfilment
of which would be the fulfilment of all India’s desires
and wants, he said that the Committee of the India
Offita to which he hod referred had recommended that
simultaneous examinations should be held in India and

MISCELLANEOUS SPEECHES AND ADDBBSSB^ 197

England, and the list be made up according to mei it ,
and he added to this scheme, that the successful candi-
dates of the first examination should be made to come over
to England and finish their studies for two years with
the successful candidates of England This was the
Eesolution of the National Indian Congress which met
last Christmas m Bombay It was also necessary that
some scope should be given to the military iac.es to
attach them to the Biitish Eule It this fan play and
justice were given to the natives in all the bighei Civil
Services and if some fair competition system were adopted
foi all the uncovenanted and subordinate services,
India would have fairplay, and free development of her
self, would become prospeious, would be able to give at
much revenue as a progressive and a civilizing adminis-
tration should want, and thon only would the philan-
thropic object of the Society be fully achieved Othei wise,
if India continued as wi etched as she was at present there
was no chance of the object being attained except by gieat
distress to the Indians themselves and giave political dan-
gers to the British iiileis, or the whole may end in some
great disaster Mi Dadabhai was glad that British
statesmen were becoming alive to this state of affairs,
and the highest Indian authoiity, the Sebietaiy of State,
fully shared his appreciation of the position, when he
wrote to the Treasury on the 26th of Januaiy last , “ The
position of India in relation to taxation and the sonices
of the pubhc revenue, is veiy peculiai, nob merely . but
likewise fiom the ohaiacter of the government, which
is in the hands of foreigners, who hold all the princi-
pal administiative offices, and from so large a part of
the army The imposition of new taxation which
would have to be borne wholly as a consequence of

198 SPEECHES OP DADABHAI NAOROJT

tlie foreign rule imposed on the counfcry, and virtually
to meet additions to charges arising outside of the
country, would constitute a political danger, the teal
magnitude of which, it is to be feared, is not at all
appieciated by persons who have no knowledge of, or
concern m the government of India, but which those
responsible foi that government have long legaidad as
of the most seiious oidei ”

ADDRESS TO THE ELECTORS
OF HOLBORN.

[Addtess to the Electors ofHolborn Division delivered
on the 27th June, 1886, dtinng the general election of
that yeai in suppoit of his candidature as the Liberal
Candidate foi the Holhoin Division of Finsbmy ]

I leally do not know how I can thank you from the
bottom of my heart, for the permission you have given
me to stand before you as a candidate for your borough.
I appreciate the honour most highly I will not take
more of your time on this point, because you may be-
lieve me when I say that I thank you from the bottom
of my heart It is really and truly so (Gheets), Stand-
ing as I do here, to represent the 250,000,000 of your
fellow-subjects in India, of course I know thoroughly
well my duty , for I am returned by you, my fiist duty
will be to consult completely and fully the interest of
my constituents I do not want at present to plead the
cause of India I am glad that that cause has been
ably and eloquently pleaded by our worthy Chairman,
by Ml Wilfrid Blunt, and by Mr Bryce But the
time must come, if I am returned, to lay before you
the condition of India — what little we want from you,
and with little we aie always satisfied. Bor the present,
therefore, I would come to the burning question of th'e
day — 'the Irish Home Eule (Loud ckeeis )

“ CONSISTENT WITH JUSTICE ”

The question now befoie you is whether Ireland shall
have its Home Rule or not. (“ Yes, yes ") The details

200 SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI

are a differenfc question altogether I will therefore con-
fine myself to those particular points which affect the
principle of Home Eule The fiist thing I will say is
something about Mr Gladstone himself {Loud oheet s\
Grand Old Man he is — renewed chceis ) — and not only
all England, but all India says so {Vocifeious cheeis)
He has been much twitted that he is inconsistent with
himself — that he has said something some time ago and
something different now But those that can under-
stand the man can understand how veiy often a great
man may appear inconsistent when in leality he is
consistent with truth, justice, right, and has the courage
of his convictions Mr Gladstone thought something
at one time, but as circumstances changed, and new
light came, and new power was wielded by the Irish
people, he saw that this change of ciicumstanoes requir-
ed a reconsideration of the whole question He came
to the conclusion that the only remedy for this discord
between two sisters was to let the younger sister have
her own household {Oheers ) When he saw that he
had the courage of his conviction, the moral courage to
come forward before the world and say, “ I see that this
IS the remedy let the English nation adopt it ’’ And
I have no doubt that they will adopt it

“ INCOMPATIBLE WITH TYRANNY ”

I have lived in this country actually for twenty
years, and my entiie connection in business with Eng-
land has been thirty years, and I say that if there iB
one thmg mote oettain than another that I have learned^
it IS that the English nation is incompatible with
tyranny It will at times be proud and imperious, and
wiU even carry a wrong to a long extent , but the time

MISOELIiA-NEOUS SPEECHES AND ADDKESSES 201

will come when ifc will be disgusted with its own
iyianny and its own wiong {Gheeis) When once an
Englishman sees his mistake he has the moral courage
to rectify it {Ghoeis) Mr Gladstone, then, has re-
presented your highest and most generous instincts, and
1 have no doubt that the lesponse fiom the country,
sooner or later, must come to the height of his argument
and of his sentiment The gieatest aigument against
Home Eule is that it will disintegiate the Empire
How, it has bean a suipiise to me how this word
Empire has been so estiaordinarily used and abused

THE NONSENSE OP DISINTEGEATION.

What IS the Butish Bmpiie’ Is it simply Gieat
Eritam and Ireland ^ Why it exists over the whole
surface of the woild — east, west, noith, south — and the
sun nevei sets upon it Is that Empiie to be broken
down, even though Iieland be entiiely separated? Do
you mean to say that the British Empire hangs only
upon the thread of the Irish vnll’ (Laughter) Has
England conquaied the Biitish Empiia simply because
Ireland did it What nonsense it is to say that such an
Empue could be disintegrated, even if unhappily Iieland
were sepaiated ! Do the Colonies hold you in affection
because Ireland is with you’’ Is the Indian Empue
submissive to you because you depend upon Ireland
Such a thing would be the highest humiliation foi the
English people to say (Gheeis) The next question is,
Will Ireland separate ? ( " No ”) Well, we may say that
bocause we wish it should not , bub we must consider it
carefully Let us suppose that the Irish are something
like human beings. (Laughtei atid cheers ) Let us
suppose them to be guided by the ordmary motives of

202 SPEECHES OP DADABHAI NAOEOJI

humanity I put it to you faiily whether Iieland will
separate or not I say she will not

HOME EULE—HOME LIFE.

"What will Ireland be after it has this Home Eule ’
It will simply have its own household, just as a son who
has come of age wishes to have a home in which his
wife may be supreme Ireland simply asks its own
aousehold independence, and that does not in the least
mean that the Empire is disadvantaged The Imperial
concern is in no way concerned m it Just as I and
my paitner being in business, I leave the management
ef the concern to him 1 have confidence in him I
know he would not deprive me of a single farthing , but
IS a paitner in the firm I am not compelled to live with
iim, nor to submit myself to him for food and clothing,
tnd the necessaries of life You do not mean to say
ihat, because Ireland has a sepaiate household, there-
bie she will also be separated fiom the Imperial firm,
md that they would have no connection . with each
ither ’ The British Empire still remains, to be shared
)y them

The ANALOGY OP THE COLONIES
Take the Colonies They have then own self-
'overnment, as Ireland asks, but there the position of
he Colonies ends Iieland, with this Parliament grant-
id to it, will be m a fai higher position than the
lolonies are Iieland wdl be a part of the ruling power
)f the British Empire She and England will be part-
lers as ruleis of the British Erppiie, which the Colonies
,ie not. And if the Irish separate, what aie they ^ An
nsignifieant country If they should remain sepaiate,
.nd England and America, or England and Franco

MISCELLANEOUS SPEECHES AND ADDBESSBS 203

fchould go fco war, they would be ciushed There is
' a saying among the Indians that when two elephants
fight the trees aie uprooted. (Laughtei ) What
could Ireland do ? It would not be her interest to
sever heiself from England, and to lose the honour
of a share in the most gloiious Empiie that ever
existed on the face of the earth {Loud cheeis) Do
you then for a moment suppose that Ireland will
throw itself down fiom the high pedestal on which it
at piasent stands ? It supplies the British Empire with
some of its bast statesmen and waiiiOis {Cheers ) Is
this the country so blind to its own interests that it
will not understand that by leaving England it throws
itself to the bottom of the sea? With England it is
the ruler of mankind I say therefore that Ireland will
never separate from you {Oheei s ) Home Rule will
bung peace and prospeiity to them, and they will have
a higher share in the Biitish Empire {Cheers ) Depend
upon it, gentleman, if I live ten years more — I hope I
shall live — if this Bill is passed, that every one of you,
and every one of the present opponents of Home Buie
will oongiatulate himself that he did, or allowed to be
done, this justice to Ireland {Cheeks )

A PEOPLE “ VALIANT, GENEROUS, AND TENDER ”
There is one more point which is important to be
dealt with I am only confining myself to the principle
of Home Rule Anothei objection taken to the Bill is
that the Irish aie a bad lot — {laughter) —that they are
poor, wretched, ungiateful, and so forth. {“ Who said
so ’’’) Some people say so. (“ Salisbuiy,” and cheers
and hisses ) We shall see what one says whom you
have entrusted with the lulership of two hundred and

204

SPEECHES OP DADABHAI NAOROJI,

fifty mulhons of people — I allude to Lord Dufferin,
himself an Irishman (Cheets) What does he say?
How does he desciibe Ireland’ I may shoot the two
buds at once by referiing to his disciiption of the
country as well as of the people He says that
Ireland is a lovely and fertile land, caressed by a
clement atmosphere, held in the ambiace of the sea.
with a coast filled with the noblest harbours of the world
and “ inhabited by a race valiant, geneious, and tender,
gifted beyond measure with the power of physical endur-
ance, and graced with the livebest intelligence ” It is not
necessary for me to say any more about a people of that
chaiactei I think it is a slander on humanity and
human nature to say that any people, and more especially
the Irish, are not open to the feelings of gratitude, to
the feelings of kindness If there is anything for which
the Irish are distinguished — I say\ this not merely from
my study of your country, but from my experience of
some Irish people — that if ever I have found a warm-
hearted people in the world, I have found the Irish
{Loud cheers)

a' PEOPLE “accessible TO JUSTICE”

But I wiU bung before you the testimony of another
great man, whom, though ha is at present at variance
with ns on this question of a separate Parliament, we
always respect It is a name highly respected by the
natives of India, and, I know, by the Liberals of this
country. I mean John Bright {Hisses and cheeis)
"What does he say ’ “ If there be a people on the face of
the earth whose hearts are accessible to justice, it is the
Irish people.” {Cheers ) Now, I am endeavouring to take
all the important points brought forward against this

MISOELLANEOUS SPEECHES AND ADDBESSES 20G

Home Eule Mr Gladstone proposes that they should
5170 a certain proportion of money to the Imperial
Exchequer Their opponents say, "Oh, they will pro-
mse all soits of things ” Now, I want this to ha care-
'ully considered. The basis of the most powerful of
auman motives is self-interest It is to the interest of
Ireland never to separate from England

NOT TRIBUTE, BUT PABTNEESHIP
I Will now show you that this, which is called a
tribute aud a degradation, is nothing of the kind
Ireland would feel it its duty to pay this It is not
biibute in any sense of the woid Ireland is a partner
m the Imperial firm Ireland shares both the glory
and the profit of the Biitish Eule Its children will be
employed as fully in the administration and the conduct
of the Empire as any Englishman will be Ireland, in
giving only something like £1 in £15 to the Exchequer
will more than amply benefit It is a partnership, and
they aie bound to supply their capital ]ust as much as
the senior partner is bound to supply his They will
get the full benefit of it Tribute is a thing for which
you get no return in mateiial benefit, and to call this
tribute IS an abuse of words. I have pointed out that
those great bugbears, the separation, the tribute, and
the bad character of the Irish are pure myths The
Irish are a people that are believed by many an English-
man to be as high in intellect and in morality as any on
the face of the earth If they are bad now, it is your
own doing (Cheeis) You first debase them, and then
give them a bad name, and then want to hang them
No, the time has come when you do understand the
happy inspiration which Mi Gladstone has conceived

206 SPEECHES OP DADABHAI NAOROJI

HOME RULE — THE GOLDEN RULE.

You do know now that Ii eland must be tieated as you
treat youiselves You say that Irishmen must be under
the same laws as Englishmen, and must have the same
rights Yeiy good The opponents say yes, and there-
fore they must submit to the laws which the British
Paihameni; makes I put to them one simple question.
Will Englishmen for a single day submit to laws made
for them by those who are not Englishmen ’ What is
the pioudest chapter in British history ? That of the
Stuarts You did not tolerate the laws of your own
Sovereign, because you thought they were not your laws
{Ohee)s) You waged civil war, regardless of conse-
quences, and fought and struggled till you established
the principle that the English will be their own
sovereign, and your own sons your own legislators and
guides You did not submit to a ruler, though he was-
your own countryman Our opponents forget that
they are not giving the same rights to the Irish people.
They are oblivious of this light, and say Ireland must
be governed by laws that we make for her They do
not understand that what is our own, however bad it is,
13 dearer to us than what is given to us by another,
however high and good he may he (C?iee? s) No one
race of people can ever legislate satisfactorily for an-
other race Then they object that the Saxon race is far
superior to the Celtic, and that the Saxon must govern
the whole, though in the next breath they admit that
the one cannot understand the other (Laughter) A
grand patriarch said to his people thousands of years-
ago, ‘ Hera is good, here is evil , make your choice
choose the good, and reject the evil ” A grand patriarch
of to-day— -the Giand Old Man — (loud cheers ) — tells you.

MISCELLANEOUS SPEECHES AND ADDBBSSBS 207

“ Here is the good, here is the evil , choose the good,
lejeot the evil ” And I do not say I hope and trust, but
I am suie, that the English nation, sooner oi later, will
come to that conclusion — will choose the good, and will
reject the evil

A WOBD AHODT INDIA.

I only want now to say one woid about my own
country {Loud cheers) I feel that my task has been
BO much lessened by previous speakers, that I wiU not
trouble you much upon this point I appeal to you for
the sake of the two hundred and fifty millions of India
I have a light to do so, because I know that India
regards me — at least, so it is said — as a fait representa-
tive I want to appeal to yoij in then name that,
whether you send me or another to Parliament, you at
once make up your minds that India ought to have
soma representation — (cheeis ) — in your British Parlia-
ment I cannot place my case better than in the words
of an illustrious English lady, whose name for patrio-
tism, philanthropy, and self-sacrifice is the highest
amongst your race — Miss Florence Nightingale (Load
cheois) She writes to mo m these words —

MISS FLORENCE NIGHTINGALE TO THE ELECTORS
OF HOLBOBN

“London, June 23, 1886 — My dear Sir, — My warmest good
wishes are yours in the approaching election for JEolborn,
and this not only tor your sake, but yet more for that ot India
and of England So important is it that the millions ot India
should in the British Parliament here be represented by one
who, like yourself, has devoted his life to them m such a high
fashion— to the diflScult and delicate task ot unravelling and
explaining what stands at the bottom of India's poverty,
what are India's rights and what is the right for India •
rights so compatible with, indeed so dependent on loyalty to
the British Crown, rights which we are all seeking after
for those great multitudes, developing, not every day like

208

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOEOJI

foliage in May, but slowly and surely The last five oi eight
years have made a diflerence in India’s cultivated classes
which has astonished statesmen— in education, the seeds of
■which were so sedulously sown by the British Government —
in power, ot returning to the management of their own local
affairs, which they had from time immemorial > that is, in the
powers and responsibilities of local self-government, their
right use of which would be equally advantageous to the
Goverument of India and to India (notwithstanding some
blunders) , and a noble because careful beginning has been
made m giving them this power Therefore do I hail you and
yearn attar jour return to this Parliament, to continue the
work you have so well begun in enlightening England and India
on Indian affairs I wish I could attend your fi^rst public meet-
ing, to which j ou kindly invite me to-mori w i but alas for me,
who for so many years have been unable from illness to do any-
thing out ot my rooms -~Tour most ardent well wisher,
Florence Nightingale ” {Loud i-heeta)

INDIA’S APPEAL

Well, hanfcletnea in the words of this illustrious lady,
I appeal not only to you, the constituents of Holborn,
but to the whole English nation, on the behalf of 250 mil-
lions of your fellow subjects — a sixth part of the human
race, and the largest portion of the Biitish Empire, be-
fore whom you are but as a drop m the ocean , we
appeal to you to do us justice, and to allow us a re-
presentative in your British Parliament [Load and
prolonged cheers, the audience using %n great enthusiasm).

THE INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE

The following speech was deliveied be/07 e a 7neetitig of
:/ic East India Association, at which Mi A K Gomiell
load a paper on “ The Indian Civil Seivice, ” July, 1881.
Mr John Bright in the Chau
Mr Dadabhai Naoioji said — Mi Ohairman, Ladies
ind Gentlemen, — My first impulse was not to send up my
sard at all, but aftei attending this meeting and hearing
jhe paper that has been put before us, it is necessary that
[ should not put myself in a false position, and as I dis-
agree with a portion of this paper, it became necessary
shat I should make that disagreement known The third
pait of the paper is the pait that is objectionable , and it
seems to me it is a lame and impotent conclusion of an
able and well-consideied beginning For me to under-
take to reply to all the many fallacies that that thud part
contains, will be utterly out of the question in the ten
minutes allotted to me , but I have one consolation in that
lespeot — ^that my views are generally known, that they
are embodied to a gieat extent in the journals of this
Association , that I also diiect the attention of Mr Con-
nell and others to two papers that I submitted to the
Public Service Commission, and that I hope there
are two other papeis that are likely to appear in the
Contemporary Review in the months of August and
September. These have anticipated, and will, I trust
directly and indirectly aaswei most of the fallaoies

210 SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

of Mr Connell’s paper I would, theiefoie, not at-
tempt the impossible task of leplying to the whole
of this papei, but I will make a few remaiks of a differ-
ent charactei altogether baaiing upon the vital ques-
tion hefoie us This question of the seivices is not
simply a question of the aspiiations of a few educated
men , it is the question of life and death to the whole
of Biitish India It is our good fortune that we have
in the chan to-day the gentleman who put a very
peitinent question, going to the loot of the whole evil,
as fai back as a thiid of a century ago Mr Bright put
the question in the yeai 1853. He said “ I must say
that it IS my belief that if a country be found possessing
a most feitile soil and capable of bearing every variety of
production, and that notwithstanding the people are in
a state of extreme destitution and suffeimg, the chances
are that theie is some fundamental eiror in the Govern-
ment of that country ” Gentlemen, as long as you do
not give a full and fan answer to that question of the
gieat statesman — that statement made a thud of a
centuiy ago — you will never be able to grasp this giaat
and important question of the seivices It is not, as I
have aheady said, a question of the mere aspiration of a
few educated man Talking about this destitution, it is a
ciicumstance which has been dwelt upon in the beginning
of the centuiy by Sir John Shaw Lord Lawrence in
Ins time said that the mass of the people weia hving on
scanty subsistence To the latest day the last Finance
Minister, Sir Evelyn Baring, testified to the extreme
poverty of the people, and so does the present Finance
Munster The fact is that after you have hundred years
of the most highly-paid and the most highly-piaised ad-
ministration in that country, it 13 the poorest country in

MISCELLANEOUS SPEECHES AND ADDRESSES. 211

Ihe world. How can you account for that ? Giasp the
question fully, and then only will you he able to see
what vast inteiast this question of the services means.
Then I come to the pledges that have been given Here
are open honouiable pledges The statesmen of 1833
laid down distinctly, in the face of the impoitant con-
sideiation — whethei India should be allowed evai to be
lost to Britain They weighed eveiy circumstance, and
they came to the deliberate conclusion which was
embodied in the Act that they passed But then you
had not the expeiience of that feai of the risk of losing
India Twenty-five yeais afterwards you actually ex-
perienced that veiy iisk , you actually had a mutiny
against you, and what was your conduct then
Even after that expeiience, you rose above yourself ,
you kept up youi justice and generosity and magnani-
mity, and in the name of the Queen, and by the mouth
of the Queen, you issued a Proclamation, which if you
“conscientiously ” fulfil will be youi highest glory, and
your truest fame and lewaid Gentlemen, take the
bull by the horns Do not try to shrmk this question
If you are afraid of losing India, and if you aie to be
actuated by the inglorious fear of that iisk, let that be
stated at once Tell us at once, “ We will keep you under
our heels, we will not allow you to rise or to prosper at
any time ” Then we shall know our fate But with
your English manhness — and if theie is anything more
chaiacteiistio of you than anything else, it is your
manliness — speak out honestly and not hypociitioally,
what you intend to do Do you really mean to fulfil
the pledges given before the world, and ,in the name of
God, with the sanction of God and asking God to aid
you, in the execution of that pledge— do you mean

212 SPEECHES OP DAD\BHA.I HAOROJI

io stick to that pledge oi to get oat of it ^ Whatevei
it be, like honest EngUshmen, speak out openly and
plainlj “ We will do this ” oi “ We will not do this ”
But do not expose youiselves to the charges — which
I am not making, but youi own members of the
India Council have made~of “keeping the promise
to the ear, and breaking it to the hope " Looking at
the time I cannot now entei into all the different
and impoitant cousideiations that this paper laises, but
I simply Ubk you again this question, whether hke honest
Englishmen such as you aie, in a manly way, you say
the thing and do it If you mean to fulfil these pledges
honestly, do so , it you do not mean to fulfil them
honestly, say so, and at least preset ve your character foi
honesty and manliness Mr OonuoU had, in the first
part of bis papei, laid down as emphatically as he could
the principles upon which the English nation is bound
to act, and in the thud part of the papei he has done
Ills utmost to discredit the whole thing, and to say how
not to do it But he forgets one thing that the pledge
you have given, you have never given a fair trial to if
you only give a fair trial to that pledge, you will find
that it will not only ledound to your glory foi evei, but
also result in great benefits to youiself , but if India is
to be for a long time under your rule with blessing, and
not with a curse, it is the fulfilment of that pledge which
will secure that result Ah 1 gentlemen, no eternal
or permanent lesults can evei follow from dodging
and palevaiing Eternal results can follow only from
eternal principles Your rule of India is based not
on sixty thousand bayonets or a hundred thousand
bayonets But it is based upon the confidence, the
mbenso faith like the one that I hold, in the justice.

MISOELLANEOUS SPEECHES \NI) ADDRESSES 21?

he GonsoietiGe, and the houoi of the British nation As
ang as I have that faith in mo, 1 shall continua to urge
nil plead bafoia statesman lilca Mi Blight, and befoia
ha English nation Fulfil youi pledge honestly befoia
lod, because it is upon those oteinal piinciples only
hat you can expect to continue your rule with benefit

0 youiself and benefit to us The leply to your
Piesident’s) questioui Sii, about the fundamental
iroi la then this A foreign rule can never be but

1 cuise to any nation on the face of the eaith, ex-
ept so fai as it approaches a native lule, be the foi-
iigneib angels themselves If this pimciple is not
aiily home in mind, and if honest efforts aie not
nade to fulfil youi pledges, it is utterly useless for
IS to plead, oi to expect au\ good lesult, or to
xpect that India will evei ii^e in mateiial and moial
iiospeiity I do not mean to say a woid against
he general persoiinol of these seiiices, as they are at
ho piesent time— they aie doing what they can in the
Use groove in which they aie placed , to them there is
\eiy lionoui due for the ability and integrity with
ihich most I of them have cairied on then work, but
vhat I say is this This system muot be changed. The
.dmmistiation must become native undei the supreme
ontiol of the Bnghsh nation Then you have one ele-
nent in India, which is peculiailv favouiable to the pei -
nauance of your lule, if the people are satisfied that you
IV e them the justice that you piomise. It is upon the
ock of justice alone that youi rule ■•tancls If they are
atisfied, the lesiilt will be this It is a case peculiar to
ndia theie are Mahomedans and Hindus , if both are
atisfied, both will take caie that youi supiemacy must
eiiidln over them , Init if they aie both dissatisfied, and

314 SPEFCHES OP DAUABHM NAOROJI.

iliere is an3' palteiing with lustico and sincerity they
will join tosethoi against 30U Under these eu’cum-
stanoes you have eveiything in youi favour , in fact, the
divine law 13 that it y^ou only follow the divine law,
then only can you pioduce divine results Do good,
no matter what the result is. If you trifle with those
eternal and divine laws, the result must be disastious
I must atop as the time is up

Great reception meeting

IN BOMBAY.

[The /oUoiomg 'Speech wa<< dchvet ed before thepublio
.oetinij of the nihabiUinis of Bombay called by the
omhay Ptendency Association at the Framjee Coioasjoe
istitute, on Siindoii, the 13th Febinayy, 1887, to pass a
-)te ofthanhs to the Hon'hle Mi Fadnbliai Ffaoioji and
Ir Lai Mohmi Ghow foi their evertions on, behalf of
ndia at the Pnihcnnento) y elections of 188b in Fnolaml.
Ir {noiu Sii) Dinshaw M Petit in the Ghair'\

The Hon’blo Mi Dnilabhai Naoioji (amidst long and
uiuense oheeiing), said — Mr Chairman, Ladies and
Jontlemen, — I feel extiemely obliged by the very kmd
3ception you have given to my fiiand Mr. Ghose and
lyself, and for the confidence yon have reposed in us
Inch hearts acknowledgments of my humble services
nd of my fiiend’s arduous exertion cannot but encourage
;3 largely in oui future work (Cheeis) As natives of
udia we aie bound to do whatever lies within our power
nd oppoitUDibies In undeitaking the work of Lying
0 get a seat in Pailiamont, the first question that
latuially' aiose was whothei it would be of any good to
ndia and whether an Indian memhei would he listened
0 , The first thing theiafoie, I did on ainving m England
vas to consult many English friends, several of whom are
imineut statesman of the day and members of Parlia-
nent I was almost univeisally advised that I should
lot hesitate to try to cairy out my intentions, that it was

2ir. si-cECHEs nr D\n\r.H\i naoroti

e\fci6niely clesuable that theia should he at least one
01 two Indians in Pailiament to enable membeis to lean:
the native view of questions fiom natues themselves
(Chri'i s) That if I could by any possibility w orb way intc
the House, I would ceitainlj be doing a gieat sei\ict
not only to India but to a laiije e\t 0 nt to England also
[Vhi’os) Seveial fundamental iiupoitant questions ol
policy can be fought out and decided in Pailiament alone
as they depend upon Acts of Pailiament, and Pailiament
lo the ultimate appeal in eveiy irapoitant question in
which Government and the native public may diffei To
get diieot repiesentation fiom India was not at present
possible An indirect lepiesentation through the libeial-
ity and aid of gome British constituency was the only
dooi open to us I undertook to contest Holboin undei
many disadvantages I was lust occupied in making
acquaintances and feeling my way I had no time to find
out and make the aoquaiutanca of any constituency , I
wag quite unknown to the political uoild, when of a
sudden the Eesolution came lu U)ion me The Libeial
leaders veiy piopeily advised me that I should not lose
this epportunity of contesting some seat, no matter
however forlorn a hope it might be as the best means
of making myself known to the English constituencieSf
and of seeming a bettei qhance and choice foi the next
oppoitumty That I could not expect to get in at a
lusb, which even an Englishman was laiely able to
do except under particularly favourable circumstances
I took the advice and selected Holboin out of three
offer -3 1 have recei\ed I thus not only got experience
of an English contest, hut it also satisfied me as to
what prospects an Indian had of receiving fair and
even geneious treatment at the hands of English electors

MSCEIiLANEOUS SPKEOHES AMD ADDBESSES, 217

The elections cleaily showed me that a suitable Indian
candidate has as good a chance as any Englishman, or
even some advantage over an Englishman, for there is a
general and genuine desiie among Bnghsh electois to
give to India any help in then power (Ohee}s) I had
only nine days of work from my first meeting at the
Holhoin Town Ilall, and sometimes I had to attend two
or thiee meetings on the same day The meetings
weie as enthusiastic and coidial in leception as one’s
heart could desue Now, the incident I lefer to is this
Of canvassing I was able to do but very little Some
liberal electois, wlio weie opposed to lush Homo Rule,
intended to vote for the conseivative candidate, but to
evince their sympathy nith India, they pioniised me to
, abstain fiom voting altogetliei Unknown as I was to
the Ilolboin electois, the evceedmgly enthusiastic and
goueious tieatment they ga\e me, — and neatly two
thousand ot them lecoided then votes in my favoni —
must be quite enough to satisfy any tliat the English
public desue to help us to have oui own voice m the
House of Commons (rVi/V) >) Letteis and peisonal
congratulations I leceived horn many foi what they
called my “ plucky contest ” Loid Eipon — (c/ims) —
wiote to mo not to be discouiaged, as my want ol
success was shaied by so many othei libeials as to
depuve it of poisoiial chaiacter that it was the cncum-
^tances of the moment, as it turned out, that worked
specially against me, and he tiusted I would be success-
ful on a futuie occasion Now, it was quite tiue that
■owing to the deep split among the Liberals in the Home
Buie question, it nas estimated by some that I had lost
neaily a thousand votes by tho abstention of Liberal
loteis In short, with my whole espeiience at Hoi-

91S

SPEECaES Ol*' DVDAEHA^I N-VOKOJI

bom, of both the mannoi and events of the eontaau,
I arn tnoie than ever eonfiiined in my opinion that
liiiha fairly expect fiom the English public ]usi
firul geueious tieatment {CJicei'>} [ have no doubt
that mj- fiiend Mr Ghose — (i tm) s) — with his larger
olectioneoiing espeiience of two aiduous contests, wil!
be able to tell you of siunlai conviction and futuie
hopefulness Theie is one gieat advantage achieved by
these contests, which in itself is an ample return foi all
tlie tiouhle — I mean the increasing and earnest inteiest
that has been aioused m the English public about
Indian matteis Erom eveiywheie you begin to receive
expressions of desue to know the tiutb about India,
and invitations come to you to addiess on Indian
suh]ects The moral effect of those contests is impoit-
aut and invaluable (Hciii , /leui) A letter I receiverl
from an English friend on the eve of my departure foi
India this time faiily lepresents the general Bnglisii
teeling I have mot with Nothing would give him, ho
says, greater satisfaction than to see me sitting in tho
House of Commons — {(heeii ) — wheia I would arouse
in the English represantatixes a keen sense of England’s
re-.ponsibihties, and show them how to fulfil them
{flhei rs) Foi the sake of England and of India alike,
he earnestly hoped that I might bo a pioneer of this
saeied woik My presence in the House of Commons
was to his mind moie impoitant than that of any
Enghsliman whom he knew — {cheers) — though that
seemed saying a good deal With those few remaiks
I once m 01 6 return to 5 ou my most heaity thankslor
the leeepfcion you have given u-,, and it would be an
important ciedential as well as an encouragement lu
our fuither efforts {Loud cheei s)

. INDIAN FAMINE RELIEF FUND
MEETING.

[M) Dadabkai Naoioji, addressed a meeting held on
Sniiday, July Isi, 1900, at the United Methodist Fiee
Chinch, MarUiouse BoaJ, WalthamJoie, in aid of ihc
Indian Famine Belief Fund Mi Peter Tioiightonocaii-
P'ed the Chair ,

The Chairman, in openimj the proteedings, said that
Indian famine was a subject of vert/ great interest to all
Fiighshmeti, and he was sure they roovldall gladly wel-
inuie some authentic informution on the subject He
would therefore ask Mr Dadabhai Na<>ro]i to start his
•^lueih light away {Applause)]

Ale Dadabhai INaoeoji, who was received wifcb
cheeis, said —

Mr Chaiinian, I feel esoeedingly pleased afc having
to addioss so large a meeting of English ladies and
gentlemen. I assure you it is a gieat consolation to mo
(ihat English people aio willing to hear what Indians
have to say I will make bold to speak fully and
heartily, in oidei that you may know the truth I
will take as a text the following true words “ As
India must be bled ” These words weie delivered by a
Saerotary of State for India, Lord Salisbury himself I
don't mention them as any complaint against Lord
Salisbury On the contrary, I give him credit for
saving the truth I want to rmptess upon you whafe

SPEECHES or U\DA.BHAI STAOEOJI.

these impoifcanb woidg mean Let U3 clearly under btand
what IS meant by bleeding a nation It is perfectly tine
that when government is earned on people must pay
taxes But there is a gieat diffeience between taxing
a people and bleeding a people You in England pay
something like fifty shillings, or moia now, of taxes per
head per annum We in India pay only three to foui
shillings pel head pei annum Prom this you may
conclude that we must be the most lightly-taxed people
m the world That is not the case, however ; oni
burden is neaily twice as heavy as youis. The taxes
you pay in this countiy go fiom the hands of the
taxpayers into the hands of the Government, from
which thej flow back into the country again in various
shapes, feitihsmg tiade and letuimng bo the people
themselves Theio is no diminution of your wealth ,
your taxes simply change hands Whatever you give
out you must get back Any deficit means so inucli
loss of strength Supposing you pay a hundred million
pounds every year, and the Government uses that
money in such a way that part only returns to you,
the o^ther part going out of the country In that case
you are being bled, pait of youi life is going away
Suppose out of the hundred million pounds only eighty
million pounds return to you in the shape of salaries,
commerce, or manufactures You will have lost twenty
million pounds Next year you wdl be so much the
weaker , and so on each year This is the difference
between taxing people and bleeding people Suppose a
body of Frenchmen weie youi luleis, and that out
of the hundred million pounds of taxes they took ten
to twenty million pounds each year , you would then
be said to be bleeding The nation would then bo

MLSCBLLANEOtrS SPEECHES AND ADDRESSES. 221

)sing a poition of its life How is India bled 'I I sup-
osed youi own case with rienohmen as youi mleis
Ve Indians aie governed l)y you You manage our ex-
enditure and oui taxes in such a way that while we
ay a bundled million pounds of taxation this hundied
iilhon never i etui ns to us intact Only about eighty
iiUion leturns to us Theie is a continual bleeding of
bout twent;j millions annually fiom the levenues
Ivei since you obtained territorial jurisdiction and
ower in India, in the middle of the last century, Bng-
shmen and othei Europeans that went to India have
ceated that couutiy m the most oppiessne way 1
nil quote a few words of the Court of Directors at tire
ime to show this ‘ The vast foituues acquired in the
nland trade have been olitamed by the most oppressive
onduot tiiatever was known in any country or age"
]he most oppressive means weie adopted in order to
irmg awaj tiom tho oountiy enormous quantities of
vealth How was the Indian Empne obtained by voii ‘
t has been geneiallv said that you have won it by the
Avoid, and that you will keep it by the swoid The
leople who say this do not know what they are talking
bout They also foiget that you may lose “ it by
Dice” You have not won tho Indian Empne by tlie
woid Duiing these hundied .and fifty years you have
allied ou wais by which this gieat Empne has been
uilt up , it has cost hundreds of millions of money,
lave you paid s single faithing of it You have made
he Indians pay eveiy faithing You have formed this
reat Britisli Empne at oui expense, and you will heai
7hat leward we have received from you The Euio-
eau aimy in India at any time was compaiatrvely
isigmfaoant In the time of the Indian Mutiny you

SPEECHES OF DADAEHVI NAUHtJH

ttul only’ forty thousand tioop-i there It was the two
Imndied thousand Indian tioopg that shed their blood
and lought your battles and that gave you this magni-
ficant Empue It is at India’s cost and blood that this
Empue has bean foimed and maintained up to the
pi6°ent day It is in consequence of the tiemandous
cost of these wais and because of the millions on
millions you diaw fiom us year bj year that India is so
completely exhausted and bled It is no wonder that
the time has come when India is bleeding to death .
You have hi ought India to this condition by the constant
dram upon the wealth of that country I ash anyone
of yon whether it is possible foi any nation on the face
of the eaith to hie under these conditions Take your
own nation If you weie subjected to such a process
of exliaustron for years, you would come down your-
selvas to the condition m which India uorv finds herself
How then is this dram made ’’ You impose upon us an
immense European mrirtary and ervrl servrce, you draw
from us a heavy taxation But lu the disbursement and
the dnposal of that taxation we have not the slightest
voice. I ask anyone here to stand up and say that he'
would be satisfied if, having to pay a heav^ taxation,
he had no voice in the government of the country
Wo have not the slightest voice The Indian Govein-
raent are the masters of all our resources, and they
nia> do what they like with them We have simply
to submit and be bled I hope I have made it quite
cleai to you, that the words of Lord Salisbury which I
have quoted are most significant that the words are
true and most appropriate when apphad to India It is
the principle on which the system of Biitish govern-
ment has bean carried on during these ICO years

MISCELLANEOUS SPEECHES AMU ADDBESSES. S323

What has beea tha oonsequence I bhiill again quote from
Loicl Salisbury He says “ That as India must be bled
the lancet should be directed to the parts wheie tha
blood IS congested, or at least sufficient, not to those
parts already feeble fiom the want of it" Lord Salis-
bury declared that the agiicultural population, the largest
portion of the population of India, was feeble from the
want of blood This was said twenty-five year ago and
that blood has been moie and more drawn upon during
the past quarter of a century The result is that they
have been bled to death , and why A large proportion
of our resources and wealth is clean ciuried away never
to return to us That is the pi ocess of bleeding Lord
Salisbury himself says ‘‘ So much of the lovenue is
exported without a dnect equivalent ” I ask any one
of you whethei theie is any gieat mjsteiy in these dire
famines and plagues ’ No othoi countiy, exhausted as
India has been, exhausted by an evil system of Govern-
ment, would have stood it half the time It is extra-
ordiuary that the loyalty of the Indians who are bled by
you IS still so gieat The loason of it is that among the
Hindus it is one of their most oheiished and lohgious
duties that they should give obedience and loyalty to the
poweis that govein them And they have been loyal to
that sentiment, and you have doiived the benefit of it
It is a true and genuine loyalty But do not expect
that that loyalty cannot fail, that it will continue in the
same condition m which it rs at the present time It le
for tha British to louse themselves and to open then’
minds, and to think whether they are doing then duty
in India Tha theory maintained by statesmen is that
India is governed foi the benefit of India They sav
that they do not deme any benefit fiom the taxation-

224

SPELCIILS or JJVDVLHAI NAOEOJI

But tliib 1 ‘i eiioneoiis The leality is thafc India, up fco
ihe pie^enfi day, has been sovemecl so as to bimg about
the impovonshment of the people I ask you whethei
tins IS to continue Is it necossaiy that, for youi bene-
fit, we must be destioyed’’ Is it a natuial consequence,
IS it a neoessaiy consequence? Not at all. If it weie
Biitish Eulo and not un-Biitish Eule which governed us
England whould be benefited ten times moie than it is
(C/iflcis). You could benefit youisalves a gieat deal
luoio than you aie doing if youi Executive Goveiment
did not peisist in then evil system, by which you derive
some benefit, but by which we aie destioyed 1 say let
the Butish public thoiougliB undeistand this question,
that b> destioymg us you v\ill ultimately destroy youi-
selves ill' Blight knew this, and this, is an ei tract
fioin one of his speeches He said, oi to the effect By
all means seek youi own benefit and your own good in
connection with India , hut you cannot denve any good
except by doing good to India It you do good to India
you will do good to youiselves lie said there were two
ways of doing good to youi selves, eithei by plunder oi
by Bade And he said he would piefei tiade Now,
I will explain how it would benefit you At the pie-
aeut time you are evpoiting to the whole woild some-
thing Ilka three hundred millions woith of youi pioduce
a year Ileie is a countiy uiidei yom contiol with a
population of thiee hundeied millions of human souls,
not savages of Afiica Heie is India, with a perfectly
free trade entirely under your control, ^and what do you
^ond out to her ’ Only eighteen pence per year per head
If you could send goods to the extent of £1 per head
per annum India, would be a market for your whole
commerce If such weie the case you 'w'ould draw

MISGELIiANEOtT'^ SPEECHES AND ADDRESSES 22rt

immense wealth fiom India besides benefiting the
people I say that if the Biitish public do not louse
themselves the blood of eveiy man that dies there will
he on then head You may piospei foi a time, but-
a time must come when you must suffei the letiibntion
that comes from this evil system of government What
1 Quoted to you from Lord Salisbury esplains the leal
condition of India. It is not the fust time that English
statesmen have declared this as absolutely as Lord Salis-
bury has done Duung the whole century Englishmen
and statesmen of conscience and thought have time aftei
time declared the same thing, that India is being exhaust-
ed and diained, and th.it India must ultimately die
(lui miseiy is owing to this exh.aiistion You aie drawing
year by year thirty millions ot our wealth from us
in vaiious wajs The Government of India’s lesouices
simplv mean that the Government is despotic and that it
can put any tax it chooses on the people Is it too much
to ask that when we aie ledrieed by famine and plague
V ou should pa> foi these due calamities ’ You are
Ijouud in lustice and in common duty to humanity to
paj the cost of those due calamities with which we aie
atflicted I will conclude with Loid Salishuiy’s othei
true words “ Injustice will bung down the mighties to
iUm ” {(heat uppJause)

THE CONDITION OF INDIA.

[Mf DadahJwt Naoioji dehmed the following
nddics:, ontht “ Condition of India " at Toynbee Hall,
Commercial Sv eat, Whitechapel, E , on Thiosday night,
Ja?wr2/ 31, 1901 Mi B B S Tannei was in the Chair.]
Mr Dadabhai Naoiaji, who was cordially received,
said — Ml Chaiinian and Gentlemen, I feel very tmioh
obliged for having been invitecl to address this audience.
Our subject is “ India,” but so large a subject cannot
be dealt with m more than a passing manner in the time
at our disposal, I will, however, tiy to put before you,
in as Inief a form as possible, some idea of the relations
which evist between England and India 1 think my
nest plan would be to try and strike a sort of balance
between the good and evil lufluences of England m India,
and let you understand really what your duty is towaids
India One thing has been over and over again admitted
— and was last admitted by Loid Gutzon when he went
out — that India is the pivot of the British Empire. If
India 19 lost to the Biitish Empire the sun of the British
Empire wiU be set The question is whether the reapon-
srbihty devolvrng upon you on account of this is realised
by you Begmning at the benefits which India has
received, we aie grateful foi a good many things In
earlier days there was infanticide, but English chaiaoter,
English civilisation and English humanity caused an
end to he put to this, and also to the piaotice of
burning widows with their dead husbands By means
•of this you har^e earned the blessing of many

MISC]:r.LANEOns speeches and addresses 227

ihousan Js of those who have escaped death Then theie
woi’0 ganfia of people whose whole business it was to
1 ob othei people , you put down thope gangs and me,
therefore, entitled to oui gratitude If there is one
thing more than another foi which Indians are giateful
it 13 for the education you gave them, which enabled
them to understand thou position. Then naturally
follow youi other institutions — namely, free speech and
a flee Press You have heaid of the Indian National
Congress , at this Oongiess Indians from one end of
India to the other meat togethei to discuss then political
condition, to oommiiaicate with each othei, and become,
,is it weie, a united nation This National Congiess le
naturally the outcome of the educatiou and free speech
which Butish lulois hare given us, the result is that
>ou have created a factor by means of this education
which has, up to this time, strengthened your power
immensely in India Befoie yon gave them education
Indians novel understood wliat sort of people you really
weie , they know you weie foreignois, and the treat-
ment that thej had leeeived at your hands led them to
hate you, and if thej had remained of the same mind
you would not have lemained in India. This factor ol
education having come into play Indians aspiied to
become British citizens, and, in eider to do so, they
became youi loyal and staunch suppoiteis The Con-
gress has foi its object to make you understand youi
deficiencies in goveinment, the lediess of which -would
make India a blessing to you, and make England a
blessing to us, which it is not, iinfoitunately, at present,
I now coma to wliat you considei the highest claim you
ha\e upon oui giatitiide, .and that is, you have given us
security of life and piopeity But joui government m

SPEECHES OF DAOVLHAI EVOR07I

Jndia inqlead of secuiing oui life .intl yiopeity is ac-
tualli pioducmg a lesult the e\atfc lovoise And tins is
IS hat yon have to undeistand cleaily The difficulty of
fiulians m addiessmg you is this, that s\e base to make
sou unlearn a gieat deal of nonsense svhioh has been
put into joui heads the misleading .statements of the
Anglo-Indian piess The svay you secuie life and pio-
peiti is by protecting it fiom open violence by anybody
else, taking caie that you yourselves should take away
that property {Laughtei ) The security of life, were it
not a tragic subject, would ho a very funny one Look
at the millions that are sufteiing day by day, year after
sear, even in years of good harvest Seven eighths or
nine-tenths of the people do not know what it is to have
a full meal m a day [Hcin , liPin ) And rt is only when
trmine comes that your eyes are opened, and you begin
to mpathise with us, and wonder how those famines
come about It is the Englishmen that go out to India
that are in a sense the cause of theso miseries They
go to India to benefit themselves They aie not the
proper people to give the reasons foi our misery The
greatest blessing that we thought had been bestowed
upon us by Britain was contained in tbe Act of 1833
to which we olmg even m the face of every violation of
that blessing So long as we have the hope that that
blessing will become a reality some day we shall be-
most desuous of keepmg up tho connection with Eng-
land That greatest blessing is the best indication of
youi higher civilisation of to-day The English have
Ijeen in advance in the civilisation of humanity. The
pnhci distinctly laid down in 18g3 was that the Indians
ueie to be treated ahke with the English, without dis
tiuction of race oi creed (Heal, Jieai ) You may well

MISOELL^-NEOUg SPEECHES AND ADDBESSES 229

5 pioud of that Aoi, bnt it was nevei carmed out
hen the Mutiny took place, and you were the cause
: it Aftei the Mutiny was put down you again ein-
hatically laid do\Yn that the Indian people were to be
eated exactly like the Biitish people, and there was
1 be no difference whatevei in the employment of
udians and of Englishmen in the seivice of the Grown
'hesa two documents have been confix med twice since,
nee on the occasion of the Queen assuming the title of
Impress, and again on the occasion of the Jubilee
'hese aie the documents — our chaiter — the hope and
nchor upon which wo depend and for which you can
laim the gieatest ciedit The pioclamation has been
lade befoie the world, piaying God to bless it, and piay>
ig that oui servants, the Executive to whom you trust
be government, should cany out the wishes of the
level eign, that is to say, of the people As fai as the
lolioy laid down by the British people was concerned
fc is as good as we can ever desiie. This promise, pled-
led by you in the most solemn manner possible, has
leen a dead letter ever since The result is the destruc-
iion of our own inteiests, and it will be the suicide of
iTOurs The violation of those promises has produced
;hes 0 lesults to us Eirst of all, the “ bleeding ” which
3 carried on means impoveiishment to us — the poorest
people on the face of the eaith — with all the due, cala-
mitous cousequences of famines, pestilences and destruc-
tion It IS but the lesult of what you claim as the best
thing that you have eonfeiied upon us — secuiity of life
and propel ty — ^starvation, as I have told you, fiom one
year’s end to another yeai’s end of seven-eighths of the
population of the countiy, and something worse, in addi-
tion to the " bleeding ” that is carried on by the ofGcials
24—15

SPEECHES OE DADABHAI NAOBOJI.

of a system of government To you, to Eng
violation of these great pledges carries with it
amount of pecuniary benefit, and that is the or
the Executive evei think of But you must u
that the fiist consequence of such govainmei
honour to youi name You inflict injustice uj
a mannei most dishonoutable and disci editable
selves , by this mode of government you are
great material benefit which you would other wie
I will try to explain to you these points in as
manner as possible , but especially I would beg
draw attention to the great loss to the mass of
pie of this country, which would otherwise have
to them. The best way I can put this before j
giving you a comparison between two parts of th
Empire Australia is at present before all of \
Australian Commonwealth was foimecl on the
of the first year of this century The Australia
been increasing m piosperity by leaps and bou
the same time India, under this same rule, unde
ministration of men who aie described and praiS'
highest, the most cultivated, and the most ca;
ministrators of the present time — and also the mo
paid — 13 suffering from the duest famines am
poorest countiy in the world Let us oonsidei i
fiist While m 1891 the population of Austr
foul millions, the population of Biitiah India
hundred and twentj’-one millions, and of all I
hundred and eighty seven millions Now th
millions of Austialiaus are paying a revenue
government of their country amounting to n
per head per annum They can give this and e
peious, and will go on increasing in prosperity

MISOELIjANBOUS speeches and addresses, 23]

great future before theru "What is India capable oi
doing ? India can give at present, under great pressure
scarcely eight shillings per head per annum You knov
that Australia has "protection” against you, and not
withstanding the “ door ” being shut against you, yoi
are able to send to Australia British and Irish products
the result of your laboui, to the extent of £25,500,000
that is to say, something like seven pounds' worth pei
bead per annum. You do not send to India more thai
£30,000,000 altogether That is to say, while you an
sending something like seven pounds par head pe:
annum to Australia, you do not send balf-a-orown’i
worth of your British and Irish produce per heac
per annum to India Ask yourselves this question
What is the result ? Why should you not derive gooc
substantial profits from a commeicial connexion wit!
India The reason is simple The people are so im
poverisbed that they cannot buy your goods Hac
your Goveinment been such as to allow India tt
become prosperous, and to be able to buy your goods
let alone at the rate of seven, six, or hve pounds pe
head — if India was allowed to enjoy its own resourcei
and to buy from you one or two pounds ’ worth of you:
produce, what do you think you would send to India
Why, if you sent one pound’s worth of produce pe:
head to India, you would send as much there as yoi
now send to the whole world You have to deal with 1
people who belong as it were to the same lace, wh(
possess the same intelligence and same civilisation, an(
who can enjoy your good things as much as the Austia
bans or anybody else And if you could send on
pound's worth to them per head you need not go am
massacre savages in order to get new markets {^Laughter,

232 SPEECHES OP HADABHAI NAOROJI.

The mass of the people heie do not understand what a
great benefit there is for them m their connexion with
India, if they would only do then duty, and compel
then servants, the Executive, to fulfil the solemn pledges
that the British nation has given to India What I
say, therefore, to you is that one of the consequences of
the present system of government is an immense loss to
yourselves. As it is at present, you are gaming a cer-
tain amount of benefit ^ou ate “ bleeding ” the people,
and drawing from then country something like thirty
or forty millions a year Ask yourselves, would you
submit to such a state of things in this country for a
single week ? And yet you allow a system of govern-
ment which has produced this disastrous lesult to
continue You cannot obtain a faithmg fiom Australia
unless they choose to give it to you In the last cen-
tury you pressed the people of Bengal to such an extent
that Macaulay said that the English were demons as
compared with the Indiana as men, that the English
were wolves as compared with the Indians as sheep
Hundreds of milhons of India’s wealth have been spent to
form your British Indian Empire Not only that but
you have taken away from India all these years millions
of its wealth The result is obvious You have become
one of the richest countries in the world, and you
have to thank India for it And we have become
the poorest country in the world We are obliged to
pay each year a vast amount of wealth which you need
for the salaries of, and the giving of benefits to, your
military and civil servants Not once, not twice, not ten
times, and the affiiction is not ovei — but always What
was something like three millions at the beginning of
the century has increased now to a tax of thirty or

MISCELLANEOUS SPEECHES AND APDEESSES 233

iolty millions You would prosper by trading with us
if you would only leave us alone instead of plundering
us Youi plundering will be disastrous If you would
allow us to piosper so that we mig^it be able to pui chase
one or two pounds’ worth of your produce pei head,
theie would bo no idle woiking classes in this eountiy
It IS a matfcei of the utmost importance foi the woiking
classes ot England If the connexion between England
and India is to be a blessing to both, then considei
what your duty and responsibility is as citizens of this
great Empire {Applatise )

THE CAUSE AND CURE OF FAMINE.

[I he folloioinj speech was delweied by Mr Dadabhai
Naoroji at the pulpit of the Fiee Church, Cioydon, on
Sunday the 31s4 April, 1901 ]

Mr Naoroji, after expressing his gratitude foi
being invited to speak, and alluding to the sanctity of
the place, said — ^Tou have lately heard the result of
the Census in India, and what an awful result it is.
When you are told that something like 30 millions of
people that ought to have been in India are not
there, does it not disclose an awful state of things,
sufficiently alarming to make one think and ponder over
it ’ Onr close connexion, the many ties that bind us,
must make you ask the , question Why is it that after-
ISO years of Biitish Eule, earned on by an administra-
tion whose efficiency has been lauded up to the skies,
but whose expensiveness has been grinding down the-
people to the dust, the r^ult of that British Bale should
be such as we see at the beginning of the twentieth
century ? The cause is not far to seek We helieved
that under a nation which was renowned foi its justice,
honour and philanthropy, we would be better off than
was possible under an Asiatic despotism. But our hopes
had been rudely dispelled Unfortunately, fiom the
very earliest times, the Action of Biitam in India had
been based upon greed I would not dwell longer on this
part of the subject at present, as it would not redound

MISCELLANEQOS SPBEOHES AND ADDRESSES 235

tio the credit of the Biitish name I would first rather
say a few words on some of the great benefits that the
Biitish Eule has eonfeired on us

Fortunately, oi unfoitunately, all the benefit that
we have deiived from the British connexion is from a
study of the Biitish character The institutions which
you have taken with you and introduced into our
country would have borne golden fruits, and we should
have reaped all the benefits as you have been doing heie ,
but to our misfortune we have been denied every bit of
this good result The system of government that has
been adopted in that country is the root of all our mis-
fortune and makes completely nugatory your best efforts
to fuithei some of our highest welfare Among the
benefits of the British Eule, if there is one thing more
than another for which Indians are grateful, it is the
education you have been giving them It has enabled
me to come here and to make known to you what my
oountiymen want me to tell you It has laid the
foundation of that stiuctuie which would one day be
known to the woild as united India It has wiped off
the fiist dividing line that kept Indians apart from one
another Formerly there was not a common language,
no common vehicle of thought The Bombay man did
not understand a Bengal man, and a Punjabee was as
unintelligible to a Madrasee as if he belonged to another
country But now English was the common language
All Indians now understand one another and freely
interchange their ideas and views as to whethei their
common country has one hope, one fear, one .aim, one
future.

You have, I dare say, heard of the Indian National
Gongiess At this Congress Indians from one end of

23G SPEECHES OP BADABHAI NAOEOJI

the countiy to the othei meet togethei to discuss their
political condition, to communicate with each other and
become as it weie a united nation The Indian
National Congiess is the recognized exponent of educa-
ted India If India had been heterogeneous before, the
Gongiess is the pioof that it is advancing lapidly
towards homogeneity It was the education that you aie
giving us that fiist demolished the dividing line that
separated us from one another and is now welding us
together into a nation The Indians now stand up to
tell you where your rule has been defective It is our
duty to tell you so, for the welfare of us both depends
upon a dealer and truer knowledge of that fact.

The Oivil Service of India which constitutes the
Civil portion of the administrative maohineiv, and to
which belong men of eminent talents and ohaiactei, is
anything but a blessing to us The very abilities of
these men, as I will show you later on, aie in the way of
the progress and prosperity of the people It is a most
melancholy fact that aftei 150 years of connexion, after
being governed by men of such ability and mtegiity, the
evil system of government that has been imposed on us
should nullify youi best efioits for oui well-being and
bring your great possession to bankruptcy and ruin

I may warn you that I am nob saying anything
about the Native States I only want to speak about
British India, namely, that part of India which is
under your direct control During the middle of the
eighteenth century when the English had the revenue
administration undei the Native ruleis of the day,
fiom the veiy commencement of the connexion between
England and India the system of Government adopted
had been one of greed and injustice Those who went

MISCELLANEOUS SPEECHES AND APDBESSES, 237

heia went with the sole object of mahing fortunes,
md so long as they aocomphshed that they caied
ittle what ooGuiied to the people The bard words
with which I have chaiacteiised the eaily Biitisb
Rule aie not name They were the woids of the
lonourahle Englishmen and Anglo-Indians who, foi
jieais, had been ciying m the wilderness against the
system undei which India was luled- In the last
sentuiy the Oouit of Directoia themselves and the
Govein^-Geneial of the day wrote despatches in which
they desciibed acts of the giossest corruption and
oppression, and abominations of eveiy hind which weie
inflicted upon the poor Indian Such ciuelty towaids
the govained, and such coiiuption on the pait of the Gov-
einoi, as recorded rn one of then minutes of those days,
have been unknown in any country or at any age

These enormities gradually led to a careful cou-
sideiation of the question of the policy which should
guide the Biitish in India And it was then also
that diaming away of the wealth of India into Eng-
land began, which has not only not ceased, but has
moieased with incieasing years, wiping off millions at a
time, with au evei -increasing frequency The drought
was not the real cause of the famine in these days, foi
if the people had no food in one place and they had
money, they could buy what they wanted fiom else-
where This question of famines was foi that leason
becoming one of the buimng questions of India and
England, and it would glow one day into the biggest
domestic question of the time and would be the paia-
mount question of the great Butish Bmpiie With
India England must stand oi fall I would give you my
authority for the statement It was Lord Ourzon— the

238 SPEECHES OP DADABHAI NAOROJI

nobleman who was now ruling India as Viceroy for
England— Lord Cuizon had said “ If we lose our
Colonies it does not matter, but if we lose India the sun of
the British Empite will be foi ever set ’’ No truer words
wet 6 ever uttered Without India England would be a
thud or fourth late power And this gradual deteriora-
tion of the countiy, now almost hoidering on destruction,
was noticed veiy soon aftei the British took India There
was a survey made of the country for nine years, fiom
1807 to 1816 The leports lay buiied in the archives
of the India House for a long time till they were
uneaithed by Mi Montgomery Martin, who, m the
course of a review of the reports, says, “ It is impossible
to avoid remaikmg two facts as peculiarly striking, first,
the iiohness of the countiy surveyed , and second, the
poverty of its inhabitants” Against this continuous
diain which has now all but deprived India of its life-
blood he raised his warning voice m the eaily years of
the last century He said “ The annual dram of three
milhons on British India has amounted in 30 years at
12 per cent (the usual Indian rate) compound inteiesb
to the enoimous sum of 723 millions So constant and
accumulating a dram even in England would soon
impoverish her How severe then must be its effect on
India, where the wages of a labourer are from two pence
to three pence a day 1 ”

The dram which at the beginning of the century was
three milhons now amounts to over 30 millions a year
Mahmood Ghuzni, who invaded and plundeied India 18
times, as historians say, could not make hia whole booty
so heavy as you take away in a single year , and, what is
more, the wound on India inflicted by him came to an
end after the 18th stroke, while your strokes and the

MISOBLLAN'EOUS SPEECHES AND ADDRESSES 233

bleeding from them never end Whether we live or die,
30 millions’ worth of produce must be annually earned
away from this country with the legulaiity of the sea-
sons Heavy as the fine was which Germany inflicted
upon Fiance m the last Fianoo-German war, once the
money was counted down France was sat at libeity tO'
recoup herself But in our case the bleeding never ceases.
How was India treated even in the last famine ^ Eighty-
five millions of people were affected by the famine
diieotly, and many more weie indirectly affected by it
Yet they were being called upon to find two hundred
millions of rupees yearly to pay the salaries, pensions,
etc , of the European officials, military or civil, before
they could ha\e foi their own enjoyment a single far-
thing of their own pioduce And if they only took the
tiouble to make the calculation it would be discovered
that India had had to pay thousands of millions for
this purpose already Was it to be wondered at then
that India was falling and that the famines were be-
coming worse each time they recurred ’> The fact was
that now-a-days the shghest touch of drought necessarily
caused a famine, because the resources of the country
had been so seiiously exhausted It was only when a
famine took place that any interest was excited in this
country m India As a matter of fact there was a
chronic state of famine in India of which the people of
this country knew nothing And even in years of
average prosperity and average crops scores of milhons
of Indians had to live on starvation diet, and did not
know what it was to have a full meal from year’s end
to year’s end It was only when a crisis like the
present one was developed that the Government was
forced to intervene, and to try to sa\e the lives of the

240 SPEECHES OP DADABHAI NAOROJI

flying pooplo by taxing these veiy people The condi-
tion of India was an impoveiished condition of the
worst possible chaiactei, and one could hardly igalise
the poveit5 and miseiy in which scores of millions of
Indians Ined But it England weie placed undei a
siiniidi system of government, would its condition be
any bettei ? No ' even England, wealthy as she is,
could not long stand the ciushing tribute of a foreign
yoke which, because we aia a conquered nation, wa aie
foioed to pa> Suppose the Eiench took this countiy,
filled up all the highei posts, both civil and military,
with then own people, biought h tench capital to
develop om industues, earned away with them all the
piofit of then investments, leaving to the natives of this
countiy nothing mote than the wages given to meie
manual labouieis , suppose that, in addition to that,
you had to pay a tiibute (in deed though not in name)
of 30 millions steiling every yeai to Eranee , why, even
you, wealthy as you aie, would be soon reduced to the
wietohedness of oui want and woe, to be peiiodically de-
cimated by plague and famine and disease as we are
Now, put youi selves in our place and ludge whether we
ai e Biitish subjects 01 British helots Oui misfortune
IS that OUI Anglo-Indian rulers do not understand our
position Even Lord Curzon, our Viceroy, said the
othei day, m the course of his speech at the Kolar
Gold Fields, that we ought to be very grateful to the
British people for developing these mining industries
But these millions of the Kolai Gold Fields belong to the
British capitalist, who is simply explo|ting our land and
wealth, our share being that of the hewei of wood and
diawai of water

How was the Indian Empire obtained by you ? It

MISCELLAnEOtJS Sl?EEOHBS AED ADDEESSES 241

ha"? been generally said that you have won it by the
swoid, and that you will keep it by the sword. You
have not won the Indian Empire by the sword During
these bundled and fifty years you have earned on wars
by which this great Empire has been built up , it has
cost hundreds of millions of money Have you paid a
single farthing of it ’ Yon have made the Indians pay
every faithing You have foimed this gieat Butish
Empire at oui expense, and you bear what lewaid
we have received fiom yon The European aimy
in India at any time was compaiatively insignificant
In the time of the Indian Mutiny you bad only foity
thousand tioops there It was the two hundred
thousand Indian tioops that shed then blood and
fought your battles and that gave you this magnificent
Empire It is at India’s cost and blood that this
Empue has been formed and maintained up to the
present day It is in consequence of the tiemendous
cost of these wars and because of the millions on
millions you draw fiom us yeai by yeai that India is so
completely exhausted and bled It is no wondei that
the time has come when India is bleeding to death.
You have brought India to this condition by the
constant dram upon the wealth of that countiy I ask
anyone of you whethei it is possible for any nation on
the face of the eaith to live under these conditions

Do not believe me as gospel Study foi yourself ,
study whether what I have stated is light, and, then,
whether the result is logical And the lesult, as re-
vealed by the last census, is that thirty mrUions of
human beings are not where they ought to have been,
But m spite of such a gloomy outlook I do not despair
I believe in the inherent notions of ]ustice and humanity

242 SPEECHES OP DADABHAI NAOBOJI.

of the British people It is that faith which has
hitherto sustained me in my lifelong work In the
name of justice and humanity then, I ask you why we
to day, instead of being prospeious as you are, are the
pooiest and most miaaiable people on the surface of the
eaith Like India, Australia is a part of the Biitish
Empire, and, unlike it, prospeious Why is it that
onetpait of the Empiie should be so prosperous and
the other dwindle down and decay ? Our lot is worse
even than that of the slaves in America, in old days, for
the masteis had an inteiest in keeping them alive, if
only they had a money value But if an Indian died,
oi if a million died, there was anothei or there were
a million otheis ready to take his or their places
and to be the slaves of the Biitish ofBcials in theii
tuin Who was responsible for all this ? You re-
ply, “ What more can we do ? We have declared
that India shall be governed upon righteous lines "
Yes, but your servants have not obeyed youi instruc-
tions, and theiis was the lesponsibility, and upon
their heads was the blood of the millions who were
staivmg year by year

The punoiple and policy that you laid down for the
government of India is contained in the Act of 1838,
which we reckon as our Magna Oharta There is one
clause m it which admits us to full equality with you
m the government of our country Eeferrmg to this
danse, one of the men who weie responsible for passing
this Act, Loid Macaulay, said — " I allude to that wise,
that beneficent, that noble clause which enacts that no
Native of our Indian Empire shall by rea'^on of his
coloui, his descent, or bis lehgion, be incapable of hold-
ing office ’’ This geneious piomise which held out hopes

MISOBLIiANBOUS SPEECHES AND ADDBBSSES 243

of equal employment to all, which did away with dis-
tinctions of creed and colour, has remained to this day
a dead letter. This piomise was repeated over and over
again Nothing could be plainei, nothing more solemn,
than the Queen’s Proclamation of 1858, when the Grown
took the country fiom the hands of the East India
Company, and flora which Proclamation I will read to
“ you only tbiee clauses —

“We hold ourselves bound to the Natives of our Indian
tarntones by the same obligations of duty which bind us to all
our other subjects, and those obligations, by the blessing of
Almighty God, we shall faithtuUy and conscientiously fulfil ’’

" And it IS our further will that, so far as may be, our sub-
jects, of whatever race or creed, be freely and impartially ad-
mitted to offices 111 our service, the duties of which tbev may be
qualified by their education, ability, and integrity, duly to dis-
charge ”

“ In their prosperity will be our strength, in tbeir content-
ment our security, and in their gratitude our best reward And
may the God of all power grant to us, and to those in authority
under us, strength to carry out tbe^e our wishes for the good
ot our people ’’

Bub all these promises aud pledges have remained a
dead letter to this day The violation of the piomise of
the Act of 1833 is the first step, the keeping to this day
inoperative the pledges contained m the Pioclamation
of 1858 IS the second step, towards unrighteousness
Indians are kept out from then share of the admmisfcia-
tion of their own affairs just as much to-day as before
the passing of that Act Some of the most eminent
Statestnen heie have diawn yom attention to youi
wrong doing Mi Bright pointed out the gioss and
rank injustice of not holding simultaneous examinations
both in India and England , and in this connexion the
late Lord Deiby, when Lord St(inley, once asked in the

244 SPEBOHES OP DADABHA.! NAOEOJI

House of ColumoQS, how they would like to send out
their ohildien to India for two oi three years to qualify
themselves foi , and pass, examination there for employ-
ment heie The highly expensive Military and Civil
Seivice which is foisted on our poor land we can neither
atfoid to keep nor do we need If the country ever
rebelled, the haidly thiity thousand civilians dotted
amongst a hostile horde of about three hundred millions
would be the first to suffer The safest policy and the
truest statesmanship was voiced in our Sovereign’s Pro-
clamation when she said, “ in their contentment will be
our security ” While you here lay down in plain and
unmistakable language the charter that would raise us
and endow us with the power, privilege and freedom
of British citizens, your servants in India make that
charter a dead letter, deny to us those powers and
privileges and freedom winch you have empowered
them to give to us, and we are made to feel that we are
not British subjects, but British helots Here, under
reasonable conditions, almost every man has a vote ,
bheie two bundled and fifty millions of us have not one
Our Legislative Council is a farce, worse than a farce
It was generally believed that this Council gave to the
Indian people something like what they in England
enjoyed in the way of representative government, and
that by those means the people of India had some voice
in then own government This was simply a romance
The reality was that the Legislative Council was consti-
tuted in such a way as to give to the Government a
complete and positive majority The three or four
Indians who had seats upon it might say what they
liked, but what the Government of India declared
was to become law did invariably become the law of

MISOEi:iIiA.NEOaS SPEECUIS \N'U ADHRL-SSES 245

tha country In this Gouncil the iiujoiity, instead of
being given by the peoplei was uianagecl and manipulated
iiy the Government itself But matteis weie even
worse than this The expenditnie of the levenues was
one of the most impoitant points in the political condi-
tion of any oountiy, but in India theie was no such
thing as a Legislative Budget Theiopiesentative mem-
bers had no right to propose any Eesolution oi go to
any division upon any item conceinod in the Budget,
which was passed simply and soleh aocoiding to the
despotic will of a despotic Government The natives of
India had not the slightest voice in the expenditure of
the Indian revenues, and the idea that they had was
the fiist delusion on the pait of the voteis of England
of which they cannot be disabused too soon

But this most solemn faice of pleaching and pro-
claiming the most iighteous Gov oiiinient foi us, ind at
the same time not lestraming youi seivauts from piacti-
smg what is exactly the contiaiy, is not contined to our
Legislative Gouncil The light of our o wu men to take
pait in the government of then countiy as soon as by
then character and education they should give evidence
of tlieii fitness to do so, has been lepoateclly gianted by
the British public and Parliament, but it has as often
been defiantly denied to us bj your disoliedient servants
in India. One of the means by whiclr this boon could
be given us was by holding examinations foi the Indian
Civil Service simultaneously in India and in England
But this piivilege, though lecommended foi the last time
by a Eesolution of the House of Commons so lecently
as 1893, is yet denied to us As early as IhRO a Com-
mission made up of five'Membets of the Council of tha
Secietaiy of State was appointed to considei this ques-
21-10

24G SPEECHE'^ OF OADABHAI NAOBOJI.

tion of bimultaneou-, e\aminatioa&, and this is what
they said — ^

P’raiAicalb the Indians. niP e\pUided. Thei law declaiet,
them eligible, but the difficulties opposed to a Native leaving
India and residing m England tor i time are so great, that, as
a general rule, it is almost impossible for a Native suocessfullv
to compete at the pcriodiLul examimitions held in England
Were this inequality removed, we should no longer he exposed
to the charge ot keeping promise to the ear and breaking it to
the hope

I will give only one nioie opinion of a foimei
froveinoi-Geneial, the lepiesantative of his Soveieign m
India Loid Lytton, lefeiiing to this same question of
holding aimtiltaiieous examinations, said m a confiden-
tial minute —

The let oi Parliament is so undefined and indefinite obli-
gations on the part ot the Goveinmoiit of India towards its
Natn e subjects are so obviously dangerous, that nO sooner was
the Act passed than the Goverument began to devise means
tor practically evading the fulfilment of it Under the terras ot
the Act, which are studied and laid to heurt by that increasing
class ot educated Natives whoso development the Government
encourages without being able to satisty the aspirations of its
existing members, every such Native if once admitted to
Government employment in posts pieviously reserved to the
Covenanted Service, is entitled to expect and claim appoint-
ment m the fair course ol promotion to the highest post in that
Service .We all know that these claims and expectations
never can or will be fulfilled We have had to choose between
prohibiting them and cheating them , aud we have chosen the
least straightforward course The application to Natives ot
the competitive examination system as conducted in England
and the recent reduction m the age at which candidates can
i oiupete, are all so many deliheiate and transparent subterfuges
for stultifying the Act, and reducing it to a dead letter Since
I am writing confidentially, I do not hesitate to suj that both
the Governments of England and India appeal to me up to the
present moment unable to answer satisfaotoiily the charge ot
having taken every means m their powei of breaking to the,
heart the words of promise they had uttered to the ear.

Even on comparatively lower grounds than that of
justice and truth you ought to revise and reform the
Government of India You are a commercial people.

MSCELTiANKOUS srEKCHKS \NLi AOURKSSES 247

Whali you gam by fciading wibh us, it I go into figuret,,
that .ilone vfill tell you how pooi we aie Austiaha, with
about sis millions of people, buys about 25 millions woith
of aifcicles off you pei yeai , while we, with a population
fifty times ovei again, hardly manage to buy even thirty
millions You sell to us pei head of population only
■eighteen pence per yeai , if we wete rich enough (and to
luahe us rich or pooi entiiely rests with you) to buy only
one pound per head pei yeai, you could have sold to us
alone 300 millions worth of goods, which is your annual
trade with the whole of the world The sub 3 ect of a
Native Prince in India is richer than a British srrbject
and buys mote of your goods You launch into expen-
sive wars m South Afiica and elsewhere to create a
market, while hoie lu your own Empire you have a
juaiket ready on hand, tlie largest, the most oiyihserl,
the most thickly peopled poition of that Empire

J now must conclude I hope this cruel farce, the
proseut system of Government which is at the lOot of all
our evil and suffering, should foi voui sakes, foi the sake
of lustice and humanitv , he radically changed The edu-
cated classes at home are throwing rn their whole weight
on the side of the continuance ot our connexion
This connexion is a blessing to us if you would only see
that it be made, as you intended jour berv'anfcs to make
it, a blessing to us ponder over it, think what is
your duty, and peifom that duty

BRITISH DEMOCRACY AND INDIA

[-1 meetmcj tvca held id the Nivlh Lavibeth Liheial
Club on Tlmt sday evenaiti, July 4:, 1901, at which Mi
Dudabhai Naoroji delacicd the following addiess on
“ B) itish Demociaoy and India " The cliaii ivas taken
at nine o'clock by Colonel Fold ]

ail Naoio]!, who was coulially leceived, said —
ail Ohaiiman, Ladies, and Gentlemen, I feel veiy gieat
plo’isuie in being peiimtted to addiess you to-night I
piopose at the outset to explain to you what the condi-
tion of India IS in oidei that jou may the hettei undei-
stand the lelations which exist between that countiy and
England In the fiist place, I will tell you what has
been lepeatedly laid down as the policy to be puisued to-
waids India In 1833, this policy was definitely decided
and embodied in an Act of Paihament, and it was a
policy of justice and righteousness It provided that no
Natue of India, noi any natiual-born subject of His
Slajesty lesident therein, should by reason only of his
religion, place of biith, descant, or any of them, be dis-
abled from holding any place, office, or employment
under the Company That is to say, that all British
subjects in India should be treated alike, and merit alone
should be the qualification for employment The Indian
people asked nothing more than the fulfilment of this
liolicy, but from that day to this no such policy has-
been pui's^fed towards India A similar declaration of

misoblla:seoiis speeches ahd addresses 5-19

policy was made in the most solomn mannar after the
Mutiny The Queen’s Pioclamation addressed to India
■at that time m 1858, stated as follows —

“ We hold ourselves bound to the Natives of oui Indian
ten itories by the same obligations of duty which bind us to uill
■oui other subieots, and those obligations, by the blessing ot
Almighty God, we shall t iithfiilly and conscientious^ fulfil

And it is our furtbei will that, so far as iiuiv be, our
subjects, of whatever race or creed, be freely and impartially
admitted to offices m our service, the duties of which they may
be qualified, hv their education, ability, and integrity, duty to
discharge When, by the blessing ot Providence,

internal tranquility shall be restoiod, it is our earnest desiie to
stimulate the peaceful industry of India, to promote works ot
public utility and impioveinent, and to administer the govern-
ment for the benefit ot all oui subjects, resident therein In
their prospeiny will he oui stxength, in their contentment our
security, and m their gratitude oui best reward And may the
Cod otall power giant to us and to those in authoiity uudei
us strength to rairy out these our wishes for the good ot our
peojile ”

Such was the soleinu pledge that was made to
ludia But wheie is the fulhlment ? The same distinc-
tion of lacQ and cieed evists m India now as cier
OMstod That pledge so solemnly made half a centuiy
ago lias ne\0i been earned' out One would have
thought that then sense of honoui would have pionipt-
ed the Executive to fulhl this pledge, but such has not
lieen the case These pledges and declarations of policy
have been to us dead letteis {Shaim) This then is
the fiist thing you have to know What libs been the
result of the system of government administered in
India*’ Thoie-iult has been to bung the coimtiy to a
state of poveity and miseiy unknown alsewhoie through-
out the world This lauult has been accomplished liy
the constant diaming of India’s wealth, foi, let it be
known that wo have to produce every year something
like twenty million pounds by our labour and our

2>0 Rpr.rjciiEb or luuviuivi NA.onojT

pioduce and hand this o\er bo the English before wft
can ntiih&a a single f.iifcluuf,’-, woibh^ ouiseheb Thw
fliaining has been going on foi jears and yoais with
eiei-incieasing se\eiitj' We aie made to pay all the
e~petidituie in connexion with the India Olhce, and
eieiy faithing that is lequued to Iccop up the Indian
Aimi , even though this lattei is supported for England’s-
own use in oidei to maintani hei position m the East
and elsewheie If you w'ant to maintain your position
m the East, by all means do so, hut do it at youi own
e\pense (Hea^ , heai ) Why should India be charged
foi it Eien if you pay half of the cost of your Indian
Aiiuy we shall bo satished and paj the other lialf oui -
selves Every faithing of the coat ol the wais liy which
youi Biitish-Indian Empue was foimed has been paid
by us, and not only was this the o<i:.0, but that Empue,
he it remembered, was secured to you by Indian blood
It was Indian soldieis who shed then blood iu the foi-
mafcion of the Indian Empue, and the lewaid tliat wo
get IS that we aie tieated as the heloiis of the Biitish
people India is the iichest countiy in the world in
mineral and other wealth, hut owing to the constant
dram you have put upon out resources, you have
In ought our people to a state of exhaustion and poverty
At the beginning of last centuti the diain on Indian
pioduce amounted to about five million pounds per
annum , now, it has incieased to soiiiething like thuty
million pounds Each year thirty millions sterling are
exacted fiom India without any leturn in any matciial
shape {shame.) Of this tremendous sum, however,
part goes back to India, but not, mark you, for the
benefit of the Indian people It goes back under tlie
name of British capital, and is used by British capita-

MISOEIiL^NBOUS SPEECHES AND VDDBES&ES, 251

hits to extiact from the ladiau soil its wealth of mmeiah
which wealth goes to eniich the Eaglish alone Anil
thus India is bled, and ha-, been bled evei since the mid-
dle of the elghteentli eentucy India produces food
enough for all her needs" and to spare How is it than
that so many of her people die foi want of it ^ The reason
IS simple So exhausted aie the people, and so heavily
has the continued bleeding told upon theii lesouice-'
that they are too pooi to puichase food, and, theiefoie,
there le chionic famine in goodyeais and in bad yeais
Do not think that famines only occm when you in
England hear of them You ouly heai of the voiy sevei
est of them One bundled and htty millions of your
fallow-subiects do not know what it is to have one full
meal a day "What would be the position of England if
she weie left to feed on lioi own lesomces ^ She does
not produce a quarbei of the food required to feed her
people It IS only beoauso England is a rich country ,
thanks largely to India, and can, thoiefoie, buy the pro-
duce of other countries that her people are kept from
starving Oorapara this with the condition of India
She produces mote than she lequires, and yet thiough
their poveity her people are unable to buy food, and
famine is the consequence as soon as a drought occurs
And now we come to the marn point of my lecture On
whose shoulders does the responsibility for the present
miserable condition of things in India lest’ It rests on
the shoulders of the British democracy, and I will tell
\ou how One elector in England has more voice in the
government of his conntiy than the whole of the Indian
people have m the gov ernment of their country In the
Supreme Legislative Council in India there are only
four or five Indians, and what power can so few have

252 srnBCHi.-^ op dvdabhai naoroji

in that a&sembly ’ The (tovernment appoint their own
Executive Council, and it takes care that the few Indian
meinfaeis of the Legislative Council have no real voice m
the management of then own country A Tax Bill
comes before the Council, and these Indian members
have not the ^lightest powei to vote, make a motion, oi
suggest an amendment If they do not vote foi it the
Goveininent turn round and say, “ look at these Indians
do they think the Covemment can be earned on witli-
out taxation’ They aia not fit to govern” The fact is
the Tax Bill is biought into the Council only to receive
its foimal sanction No chance is given for discussion
01 amendment These tew Indians have to ]om with
the othei membeis of the Council in taxing their coun-
ti'ymen, without anv voice in the expenditure of that
taxation Then powei in fact is nil Economically am!
politically India is in the worst possible position The
British public are lesponsiblo foi the burdens under
which India is groaning The demociacy is in power
in this country, aud it should understand something of
our suffering, because it has suffered itself We appeal
to you to exeicise your po.vei in making your Govern-
ment carry out its solemn pledges, if you succeeded m
doing this, the result would be that the Bmpiie wbuld
be strengthened and benefat would be experienced li^
yourselves as well as by India India does not want to
saver her connexion with England, but lather to stieng-
then that connexion I wish to point out that unlobs
the British demociacy exercise their power in bringing
to India abetter state of things, the whole lesponsibility
for oui suffering will he at then doot. I tharafeiie appeal
to you to do your duty and relieve us from the deploi-
able miseries from which we are suffering (Ghee) s)

INDIA UNDER BRITISH RULE

[The following siicuch was dchvocd hy Mi Dadn-
hhai Nuoiojt at the annual dinner of the London Indian
Socii’iy, 22nd Maioh, 1903]

I cdu haid4 expiebs in adequate teims what I feel
at the geneious mannei m which ray health has been
pioposecl and the coidwl leception which you have
given to the toast 1 feel it voiy deeply (Ih'ai, hiiai)
Talking of my views towaids Biitish Eule I wish to sav
that they have been laigely misuudeistood The pith
of the whole thing is that not only have the British
people deuved gieat advantage horn India but that the
pioBt would have been nioio than ton times as great
had that rule been conducted on the Imes of policv laid
down by Act of Parliament It is a pity as much foi
England liei&elt as lot us that that policy has not been
carried out, and that the matter has been allowed to
drift in the old sellrsh way in which the Government
was inaugurated in earlier tunes 'When I complain,
I am told sometimes very forcibly, that the con
iievion of Britain with India is Irenelicial to India
herself, I admit that it might be, and it rs because of
that that I urged over and over again that the con-
nexion should be put upon a righteous basis — a basis of
]ustice and liberality It has been pioved by the fact
■of the coming into existence of a body like the Indian
National Congiess that the British connexion raighc be

254 Sl'EECnE.s OF jD\DABH\I N-VOFU.II

made more beneficial, and I believe that if > ou fail to
du'Qct the foice of that movement into piopei cliannels
t!io lesult will bo most disastrous, for it must ultimately
come into collision with Biitish Buie It does not
lequiie any gieat depth of consideration to see that It
has been lepeatedly admitted by eveiy statesman oi
consaquanee that the welfare of India depends upon the
contentment of the people, and that that contentment
cannot exist unless the people feel that Biitish Rule is
domfi them good, is raising thou political status, and is
making them piospeious (Hoin, heat) The fact is
quite the reverse, and rt is no use denying that the
sj stem w hich has existed in India is one whiph has
been most foolish , it has neither increased Indian pios-
lieiity nor raised her political status If only you could
make hei tiuly impeiial and unitedly in favom of Biitish
Rule I def> a dozen Russias to touch India oi to do tho
slightest barm to the Empue (fj/iee/s) Mi Came
has os,pr’essed regret that Indian troops were not sent
to South Africa It is quite true you cannot expect to
maintain a great Empue unless you use all its imperial
resouices, and among those imperial rasouroes theie are
none so important and so valuable as the lesonicas of
India in physical strength and rn niiUtary genius and
capability There you will find that, by a simple stamp
of the foot on the ground, you can summon nnlhons of
men ready to fight for the British Empue We only
want to be treated as pait and parcel of the Empire,
and we ask you not to maintain the lelationship of
uiastei o\er helot We want you to base youi policy
on the lines already laid down by Act of Pailiament,
piociaimed by the late Quean, and acknowledged by the
present Emperor, as the best and tiuest policj towaids

MISCRI.rj 'VNEOUs SEKiCHFS ANH \J>riHLS&ES 0').>

India foi tbe sake of bolli touutiiei. Unless thafcis
done ihe futuie is not %eiy hopeful fai as 1 am
concetned I have ever expies^ed my faith in the British
conscience As fai hack as iSol, when the fit st- political
movement was started in India, and when associations
Tveie foimed in Bombay, Calcutta, and Aladias m
oidei to petition Paihauient with regard to iiupiove-
ments necessaiy to be made in the Company s Chai-
tei. I expressed mv smceie faith in the Biitmh
people, and said I was convinced that if they would
only get true information and make themselves ac-
quainted with the leahties of India thev w’ould fulfil
then duty towaido bei That faith, after all the vicibsi-
tudes and disappointments which ha\e maiked the last
half centmy, I still hold If we only do oui best to
make the British people undeiataiul what then duty is,
T ventuie to piophess that England will have an Empire
the like of winch has novel hefoio existed, an Empiio
of which any nation may w’ell be piond {Chrei^)
Aftei all, India is the Biitisb Empire The colonies are
simply so manj sons who have set up establishments of
then own, but wdro retain tbeii affection lor the mother
country, but India is an Elmpite winch, if properly
oultisatod, will have a wondrous success All we want
IS that there shall be a true, loyal, and real attachment
between the people of the two countries I am glad to
see you young men around me I and the older men
who have worked m this movement ate passing away
We began the work, we had to grope nr darkness, but
we leave you a great legacy, we leave \ on the advantages
of the labours of the hundreds of us during the last
00 years, and if you only study the problem thoroughly,
if you spread over the United lUngdom tire true merits

256

SPBECHI,s Jl’ I)Vrni)HA,I NVOBOJI

and defects of But) sh Rule you -svill be doing a great work
both for youi own counfciy and for England I rejoice
at having had something to do m that diiection 1
have stuck to loy own view that it would be good for
India if Butish Rule continues But it must not be the
Biitish Rule which has obtained in the past , it must be
a rule undei which 5011 tieat us as brothers, and not as
helots {Lo'til theeis)

THE INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS.

[T}ie folloioing speech was clelneied Jm Mi Dada-
Iduti Naoroji at a lemailahla dutheuna at Westminster
Palace Hotel which asscmhlcd in Noioinhei 1904, in
mler to qive a send otf to hir Ileniti Cotton on
Ihe eve of his depiotiuc in India to preside at the
Tu’cntieth Indian National Coiairess at fJornbay]

The Chairman I haio now to propose the toast of
ihe evening to oui good guests Sii Hem \ Cotton and Sir
William Wecldeibuin {Chcc, '•) I may lust take the
ippoitunity of expiesbing on behalf nf the Indians here
lui deep legiet at the death of iii Digby and of Lord
Northbrook I need not sa\ much about them There
ue three Viceioys who bare left then names impressed
in the minds of the Indian people ruth characteiistio
spithets Those thiee aie IMavo, "the good," North
nook, " the ]ust,’’ and Eipon, “ the iighteous ” {Cheers)
Two have passed away, but we hope the thud may
live long enough to see the lealisation of Ins desires
:oi the piomotion of the liappmess of the people of
India (Hear , hear ) We are met togethei to honoui
oui two friends — Sii Heniy Cotton and Sii William
Weddeihurn The question iiatuially aiises Why is it
drat we Indians ask English gentlemen to go out to
India — to preside at the Iiidun National Congress,
rnd to help it*’ iHave we in oui ranks no men
lapable of doing the work ’ Cannot we help ourselves’

:45R fal'EEOHBb UB ]JA.UVljHU N AORO ri

Tlio^e ftuosfcions aie natuial, and they leqnue an a
swei Again ifc may be asked, what is it that t
Indians want, and by what means do they desiie
aecomphsh then end ‘ 1 do not piopose to descii

what India wants in my own words, or in the woids
.inv Indian I piopobo, instead, to give you a few se
tences from the writings of an Anglo-Indian who
lathei and giandfathei have been m the seivice foi ov
brt yoais, who himself has been ovei 35 years m the s€
vice, and whose son is now in it I lofer to our gue
Bu Hemy Cotton [Gheeis.) He is as patriotic as ai
Englislunan can be He is pioud of the seivice
which he lielongs, and m his ofBoial capacity he li
carefully weighed the position of the Indians ai tl
piesent time 1 will lead you a few sentences fiom h
lately -published book, ‘‘ New India, ’ and they will gn
you an idea of wliat India wants He says “ There oa
be no doubt that English lule m its piesent fori
cannot continue The leadeis of the National movi
ment assume, and assume rightly, that the counexio
between India and England will not be snapped
It IS a sublimei function of Imperial dominion to uml
the yary'ing laces undei oui sway into one Einpii
‘ liioadbased upon the people’s will ’ . to afford scop
to then political aspiiatiohs, and to devoto oui salves t
the peaceful oiganisation of then political fedeiatio:
aud autonomous independence as the only basis of ou
ultimate relationship between the two countues
Again, taking anothei point. Sir Homy Cotton wute
on the dram of taxes fiom India to England “ Takini
these (all dram fiom India to England in vaiious shapes
mto consideiation, it is a moderate computation tha
the annual diafts fiom India to Gieat Britain amouni

MISCELLANEOUS SPEECHES AND ADDRESSES 259

to a total of thii'ty millions It can uoaoi bo to

tbo advantage of the people of India to remit annually
these enormous sums to a foreign country Loul

Ouizon has very foicibly said, in a speech delivered by
him in Novembei. 1902, at Jaipoio ‘ there i-. no specta-
cle which hnds less favoui in my eyes, oi which I have
done moie to discouiage, than that of a clustei of Euio-
peans settling down upon a Native State and sucking
from it the moisture whicli ought to give sustenance to
its own people’ ” He adds “ Loid Ouizon has lost
sight of the fact that what is tine of the Native States
IS true of the whole of India The keynote

of admimstiatne lefoim is the giadual substitution of
Indian for Emopean ofbcial agency Tins is the one
end towaids which the educated Indians are coneen-
tiating then efl-Oits The concession of this demand is
the only way by which u e can make any pretence of
statisfying even the most modeiate of their legitimate
aspirations It is the fiist and most pressing duty t!ie
iTOveiument is called onto dischaige It is necessai y
as an economic measuio But it is necessai y also on
higher giounds than those of economy The

e'speiimeut of a ‘ him and lesolute goveimoent’ in
Tieland has been tiied in vain, and the adoption ol a
similai policy in India is inevitably destined to fail ”
Next, Sn Hemy gives an oxtiact from the celebiated
speech of Lord Macaulay in 183d — " It may be that the
public mind of India may expand under oui system till it
has outgrown om system that by good government we
may educate oui subjects into a capacity for better gov-
ernment — that having become instructed in Emopean
knowledge, they may in some future age demand Euro-
pean institutions Whether such a day will ever come

200 SPEECHES OF D VEUEUAI N^OROJI

I kuo« not But nevoi \vill I attempt to aveit oi retard
it Whenever it comes it will be the pioudest day in
English history ” Next there is an 0\tiact fiom Mount-
stuait Blpliinstone, in 1850 — “ But we are now doing
oiii best to laise them in all mental qualities to a level
with ourselves, and to instil into them the libeial opi-
nions m goveinment and polici which have long pre-
\ ailed in this country and it is vain to endeavour to rule
them on principles only suited to a slavish and ignorant
population ” On this Sn Heniy Cotton remarks “The
experience of more than half a century since they were
written merely confirms their truth ” And after these
I propose to give only one other extract, and to read just
one sentence from Burke, who says “ Magnanimity in
politics IS not seldom the truest wisdom, and a great
Empire and little minds go ill together We ought to
elevate our minds to the greatness of that trust to which
the order of Providence has called us ’’ Now, these ex-
tracts which I have read to you explain what Indians ask
for Their wishes are embodied m the language of an
Anglo-Indian, but I accept them as a very fan expression
of our views iCheeis) The question is ITow is this
to 1)0 accomplished “> There are only two ways of doing
It— either by peaceful organisation or by revolution, It
must be done either by the Government itself or by some
revolution on the part of the people It may be asked
what do our present reformers want, and which of these
two policies they desire to adopt I will give a direct
answer to that {Beai, lieai ) In the year 1853, as far
as I know the first attempt was made by Indian politi-
cians or by Indians to foim a political organisation and
to express m woids then wishes and demands That
was the peiiod of the renewal of the East India Com-

MISCELLANEOUS SPEECHES AND ADDRESSES, 261

ipany’s Chaiiei, and thiee associations A\ere thenfoimed
one m Bombay, anothai in Calcutta, whicli is still m
existence, and a thud in Madias The fundamental
piinciple on which they based their whole action was
contained in the woids used by Sir Heniy Cotton — that
the connexion between England and India will not snap.
That was the foundation of thou action in 1813, when
they made then fiist attempt at political oigannation
As I have said, the Biitish India Association at Calcutta
IS still in existence , that in Bombay was succeeded by
the Bombay Presidency Association, and that in Madras
by the Madias Mahaiana Sabha All along they have
gone on the same pimciplo, that the connexion between
England and India will continue In the evolution ot
time, as we know, the Indian National Congiois came
into existence, twenty yeai ago, and I may say that it is
the bast pioduot of the most beuehcial influence of the
connexion between England and India This unique
phenomenon of diffeient laces and clitfeient peoples in a
laige contiuent containing an aiea equal to Euiopo
(Russia excluded), and embiaciiig quite as many diifeient
nationalities, coming togethei to consider pi oposals for
the 'amelioration ol the condition of the people of India
and giving expression to then views and aspirations m
the noble English language, is a product of which the
British people may well be proud The next Congiess
will be the twentieth, and, I repeat, that from the very
beginning the principle acted upon has been a continu-
ance of the policy adopted by the earlier Associations to
which I have refeired — the continuance of the connexion
between England and India. Then the "question is
How are we going to carry out that policy ’ The only
way in which the desiied change can be brought about

262

SPEECHES OP PADABHAI N\OEOai

IS, m oul opinion, by a peaceful oiganisation, as Sir
Efenu Cotton has desciibecl it it must be effected
the Government itself {Chcci s ) Why is it that
the Indian National Congiess and -we Indians here
have solicited Sn Pleniy Cotton and Sii William
Weddeibuin to go out to India to assist at the
twentieth Congiess The answei is simplj this that
if these lefoims are to be earned out at all, they
are entuely m the hands of the English people The
Indians may ciy aloud as much as they like, but they
have no powei whatevei to bung about those lefoims —
the powei is entirely m the hands of the English people
and of the English Government, and oui ideas and hopes
can meet with no success unless we get men like Su
Heniy Cotton and Sii William Weddeibuin and otheis
to help us to piove to the Indian people that they need
not yet despau, for the Biitish conscience is not alto-
gether lost^et — (/icni, hea>)— and, on the other hand,
to persuade the British people to do that which is right
and just We Indian people boheve in one thing, and
that IS that although John Bull la a little thick-headed,
once we can penetiate through his head into his brain
that a certain thing is right and propei to be done,* you
may be quite sure that it will be done {Cheers ) The
necessity, therefore, of English help is very great—C/ie® ,
hear ) — and we want English gentlemen to go out to
India, not in their twos and fours, but in their hundreds,
in order to make the acquaintance of Indians, to know
their character, to learn their aspirations, and to help
them to secure a system of self-government worthy of a
civilised people like the British. {Oheeis) On this
occasion we Indians have invited a number of English
gentlemen to come and sympathise with us in giving a

'miscellaneous speeches and addresses 203

good send-off to oui two guests, and it is a most gratify-
ing fact that there has been so cordial a response to our
invitation, and that we have heie gentlemen like Mr
Couitney, Mi Lough, Mi Fredeiic Haiilson, and
otheis We cannot m the face of this, hut hope that
good days aie coming, and we should nevei despair.
Ml Oouitnay was a membei of Eoyal Oommission of
W'hich I was also a membei We agieed, and w^e dis-
agreed. But what was his hue of action all through?
He displayed a spiiit of fairness in the consideiation of
eveiy quesiion -whicli came befoie the Oommission.
{Emt , hear) Mi Lough has long been helping us, and
when I was a membei of the House of Commons I
always found him a staunch and good fiiend of India in
the House, while outside he has always accepted our
invitations to help us wheiever possible Mi Fredeuc
Harrison has also been a gieat source of strength to oui
cause I am soiiy Mr Hyndman is not heio He baa
been foi twenty-sis yeais a steady friend of the ameho-
laiion of the condition of India, and we hope that after
the nest Geneial Election we may have lus valuable
support m the House of Commons I appeal to every
Englishman, foi his own patriotism and foi the good of
his own countiy, as well as ouis, if he wishes the
Biitish Empiie to be pieserved, to evert himself to
persuade the Biitish people that the light couiso to
he adopted towards India is one worthy of British civi-
disation — worthy of those great days in the thiities — the
days of emancipation, of the abolition of slaveij, and of
the amehoiation of many forms of human suffer mg It
was in the yeai 1833 that we got oui great Chaitei —
the Charter confirmed by the Proclamation of 1868 We
ask for nothing more than the fulfilment of the pledges

264 SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOBOJI

contamocT m that Chaitei Those aia our demands as put
forward bj" Sii Heniy Cotton, and I can only say that
they constitute a leveision to the pohcj of 1833 — a
policy embodied in piomises which, had they been
fulfalled in their entiiety, would have lesulted m their
meeting that day being of an entiiol> diffeient nature
— they would have been pioelaiming their gratitude,
instead of pleading to the English to leveise their policy
and intioduca one worthy of then name and civilisation
(Chee 7 s) As Macaulay had declaied “It was to no
purpose if they weie free men and if they grudged the
same freedom to other people ” [Hear, hear ) I there-
foie appeal to eveiy Englishman, for the sake of his own
patiiotism, as well as for the cause of humanity — for all
leasons good and beneficent — to reverse then policy
towards India and to adopt one worthy of the British
name I was one of those who started the Bombay
Association in 1853, and from that time until now I
have always been a worker in the cause [Cheers )
My principle has been from the beginning based on the
necessity of the continuance of the connexion between
England and India I hope I may hold that view to
the end of my life I am bound, however, to mention
one fact, and I will do so without comment Leaving
aside the general system of Government, which we
condemn, there have been during the past sis or seven
yeais repressive, restrictive, and reactionary methods
adopted, and there has been, further, a persistence in
the injustice of imposing upon India the burden of
espendirnre incurred foi puiely Impeiial purposes
What I want to point out is that the rising generation
of Indians may nob be able to exercise that patience
which we of the passing and past generations have

MISCELLANEOUS SPEECHES AND ADDRESSES 265

shown A spirit of discontent and dissatisfaction is at
present widely spread among the Indians in India, and
I wish our ruleis to taka note of that fact afid to
consider what it means An Enipiie like that of India
cannot be governed by little minds The rulers must
evpand than ideas, and we smceiely hope that they will
take note of this unfortunate ciicumstance and will
adopt measuies to undo the mischief {Chceis ) In
the name of my Indian fiiends I thank the guests who
have accepted oui invitation, and I now call upon Sir
Henry Cotton to respond to the toast

ENGLAND’S PLEDGES TO INDIA.

[The following speech was delivetcd by Mi Dada-
bhai Naoioji in 1904:, at the i^jsley Hall, Clupham
Pari ]

Ml Dadabhai Naoioji, candidate foi North Lam-
beth, addressed a meeting u'ndei the auspices of the
J P Health Lodge of the Sons of Temperance, at
the Wesley Hall, tllapham Paik, on " Biitish Eule
in India Piomises and Peifoimances ” Theie was,
consideiing the unpleasant chaiactei of the weather,
an excellent attendance, and the audience followed
with marked interest Mr Naoroji’s eloquent plead-
ing for Ins oppressed uountiymen, while they also
appreciatively w'atched the magic lantern views which
vividly presented varied aspects of Indian manners,
customs, and architecture The views were graphically
-explained by Mr J 0 Mukeip, and the lantearn was
manipulated by Mr W Hanmei Owen The chair was
occupied by Mr Mason, who, in briefly introducing Mr
Naoio]i as the Grand Old Man of India, explained that
although the Sons of Temperance formed a friendly
society, the members weie always glad to keep them-
selves in touch with the topics of the day, and hence
then invitation to Mr Naoroji to addiess them

Mr Naoio]i, who was loudly cheered, said that in
order to understand throughly the subject he was an-
nounced to lecture upon, and m order to realise the full
significance of British promises and performances m

MISOBLLA.KEOUS SPEECHES AJ^D AEDEESSES 2G7

India, it was necessaiy he should naiiate a few of the
historical facts which led to the pi onuses being given
Biitibh Eiile m India at its inception was one maiked
by greed, oppiession, and tyianny of every kind — so
much so that even the Couit of Directois of the Bast
India Company weie bonified at what -was going on
That was the fiist fact to be home in mind The second
was that subsequent to the use ot the Biitish Empire
in India all wai eKpondituie inouried in connexion with
India, and by means of which the Empire had been
built up, had been paid out of Indian le&ouices entirely,
and the bloodshed which was the necessaiy accompani-
ment of wai was mainly Indian In the late Transvaal
wai Grieat Britain lost thousands of hei sons and spent
neaily 250 millions stoihng, and the people ot this
countiy consequently had bionghb forcibly home to
them what wai meant, bub in India, while the Biitish
claimed all the gloiy and leaped all the-benehts, the
buidens of wai weia home by tlio Natives India had,
in fact, cost Gicat Biitain nothing in money and very
little in blood But its wealth had theiaby been es
hausted , it had become impoveiished, and it had fur-
thei beau subjected to a system of goveinuieut undei
which eveiy Indian inteiest was saciificod toi the benefit
of the English people The system of couuption and
oppiession continued until at last the Biitisli GwyCin
ment was shamed by it Anglo-Indians ot high position
in the seivico had again and again denounced the system
in the most scathing teims, hut it ‘would sutfice for his
piesent puipose to lemmd them that Edmund Burke
pointed out how eveiy position worth having uudei the
Government was filled by Euiopeans, to the absolute
exclusion of Natives. The lesult was that theie was a

2G8

SPEECHES OP DADABHAI NAOEOJI

constant and most exhangtmg cliam of Indian wealtli.
Even in those days it was estimated that the olJicial lemit-
tances to England amounted to thiee millions steiling,
and the capacity of the people’s pi odiice went on dimini-
shing, until it was now only about J62 per head, as com-
paied with £10 pei head in GieatBiilain This countiy,
too, enjoyed the benefit of its wealth circulating at home,
while India labouied undei the disadvantage that what
it produced was sent to England, and it got nothing in
return She was, m fact, depiived of wealth without
meicv year aftei year, and, in addition to the official
lemittances home, to which he had alieady leferied, the
seivants of the Government sent home, piivately, an
almost equal sum, which they themselves obtained fiom
the Natives on then own account In the eaily pari of
last century there was a Government euquuy eveiy 20
years into the administration of the East India Oompany ,
and these at last pioved so effective that the statesmen of
the day began to lealise the responsibilities and duty of
England to India, and to seriously discuss what should
be Gieat Biitain’s policy It was in 1833 that they got
the first pledge, and m that year a clausa was inserted in
the Charter of the East India Oompany pioviclmg that
in the service of the Government there should be
no distinction raised of race, creed, or coloui, but that
ability should be the sole qualification foi employment by
the State That was the first promise, made to the people
of India in the name of the people of the United King-
dom, and it was embodied in an Act of Parliament Had
it been faithfully and loyally oaiiied out, the existing
state of affairs in India would have been vastly diffeient
and it would not have b^en necessary for him to go about
the country complaining of the dishonoui and disgrace

MISCELLANEOUS SPEECHES AND ADDRESSES 209

of England, and of the enoimity of the hvils of Biitish
Buie. The fiisfc promise was made in 1833, the peiiod
at which the Biitish weie rising to their highest glory
in civilisation, an eia of emancipation of all Linds fiom
the abolition of slaieiy onwaids Macaulay himself de-
clared that he would be proud to the end of his life of
having taken pait in propaiing that clause of the Chaiter,
and cleaily the policy of the statesmen* of that day was
to extend to India the fieedom and libertj" which Eng-
land enjoyed But 20 \eais passed, and not the slightest
effect was given to the clause it lemained a dead lettei,
as if it had novel been enacted, and the policy of greed
and oppression continued to obtain in the Government of
India In 1853, the East India Company’s Ohartei was
again revised, and in those days Mi John Bright and
Lord Stanley (afteiwaids Lord Derby) uiged strongly
that the service should be open to all and not reserved
exclusively for Europeans — for the nominees and friends
of the Directors of the Company They contended, too,
for the holding of Mmultaneous examinations m India
and England, but it was without avail Then came the
Mutiny of 1857, aaS after that had been suppressed,
the statesmen of Great Britain w'eie again forced to con-
sider what should be the policy of this country in India
The administration of India was taken over from the
Company, and the Proclamation which was issued was
drawn up by Lord Derby, at the special request of Queen
Victoria, m teims of geneiosity, benerolence and lehgi-
ous toleration, such as might well he used by a woman
sovereign speaking to hundreds of millions of people
the direct government of whom she was assuming after
a bloody civil war Nothing could have been more
satisfactory than the promise embodied in that Piocla-

J70 SPEECHEb OF DADABHAI NAOROJI

mation, and the Indian people heaitily blessed the name
of Queen Victoiia foi the sympathy she always evinced
towaids hei Indian subiects This ?ioclamation con-
stituted the second pledge — it was a piomise to extend
Biitiah institutions to India, to, in fact, give them self-
government, it leaffiimed the piomise of the Chaiter of
1833, and it declaied that hei Majesty held herself
bound to the Natives of her Indian teiiitoiies by the
aatne obligations of duty as bound hei to all hei othei
subjects Indians weie, in fact, to become true British
subjects, with all the rights and privileges of British
subjects, and the government of the country was to be
administered for the benefit of all the people resident
therein, for, concluded the Proclamation, “ in her pros-
perity w’lll be oiu strength, in her contentment our
security, and in her gratitude our best reward." This
had well been called “ India’s Greater Ohaitei ’’ It was
ever j thing they desired. But, unfortunately, it, too,
had remained a dead letter up to the present time, and
to the great and bitter disappointment of the people pf
India the promises therein contained had not been
faithfully and honorably fulfalled In defiance of the
Proclamation, every obstacle had been placed m the
way of Natives obtaining admission to posts under the
Government, the efforts of men like Mr Jolm Bright,
Lord Derby, and Mr Fawcett to secure the holding of
simultaneous examinations m England and India had
been frustrated In 1870, no doubt, an ^tfoit was made
by Sn Stafford Noithcote, and later on by the Duke of
Argyll, to give effect to the promise of admission of
Natives to the service, but it was defeated by the action
of the Indian Government. A Native service was estab-
lished, but it was made entuely distinct from the Euro-

MISCELLANEOUS SPEECHES AND VDDEESSES 271

pean saivice — a clistmction •which •was navei intended —
and it was so aiianged. that it was bound to prove a
failure Appointments to it weie made by nomination,
not by examination , back-dooi jobbeiy took the place
of the claims of ability, and natuiallj, at the end of ten
yeais, the sei vice was abandoned because it had never
answeied In 1S77, on the pioclamation of Queen
Victoua as Bmpiess of India, Loid Lyttoii issued
another Pioclamation in the name of Queen Victoua
reiteiating the piomises contained in hei toimei Pro-
clamation, but again the pledge was violated At the
Jubilee in 1887 theie was a renewal of the promise,
again to be followed by its being utterly ignored , while,
later on, a Eesolution of the British House of Commons
in favour of the holding of simultaneous evaminations
in India and England was earned by Mi Herbert Paul,
m spite of the opposition of tlie Goieinment, and that
too had been ignored Tims, they bad a long series of
solemn promises made to the ear but absolutely violated
in spirit and in lettoi, to the great dishonour and dis-
grace of Great Butam Eminent statesmen and offi-
cials had frequently admitted the hieakmg ol these
pledges A Committee appointed hr the then Secretary
foi India unanimously lepoited m 1860 that the Bii-
tish Government had been guilty of making piomises to
the ear and hieaking them to the hope , and that the
only way in which lustice could be done to Indians was
by holding simultaneous examinations in England and
India, of tlie same standard and on the same footing,
instead of foicing Indians to go to London at an expense
of thousands of pounds in ordei to sccuie admission to
the Goveinment service In 1870, the Duke of Argyll de-
claied “ We have not fulfilled oui duty oi the promises

272 SPEECHES OP DADABHAI NAOEOJI

and engagements we have made ”, later, Loid Lytton made
the confession that dalibeiate and transparent subter-
fuges had been lesoited to in oidei to leduco the piomise
of the Chaiter of 183‘J to a dead lettei , and that the Gov-
ernments of England and of India were not in a position
to answer satisfactorily the charge that they had taken
eveiy means in their powei to break to the heart the
promises they had made to the eai The Duke of Devon-
bhue, m 1883, asserted that if India was to bo better
governed it was to be done only by the employment
of the best and most intelligent of the Natives in the
service, while, finally, the late Lord Sahsbuiy described
the promises and their non-fulfilment as " political hypo-
CLisy ” That was a nice desciiptiou indeed of the chai-
actei of the British Eule m India , it v^as an admission
that the conduct of the British Government in India had
been disgiacefal But let them not forget that the pro-
mises were made by the Biibish Sovereign, the Biitish
Parliament, and British people, of then own free will,
while the disgrace foi then non-fulfilment attached sole-
ly to the British Government, which by its refusal to act
had sullied the honour of tho British people Two of
the greatest offenders in this respect had been Lord
Geoige Hamilton and Lord Cumon, both of whom
had very nnpatriotically intioduced most leactionaiy
measures, and had pursued a mischievous policy which
had resulted in the gravest iniuiy to tho Indian
Empire and the British people Lord George Hamilton,
whose object surely should have been to make the peo-
ple attached to Butish Rule, had openly declaied that it
never would be popular with them , while Lord Ouizon
had done his very utmost to make it unpopular He was
going back to that country foi a second term of office

MISCELLANEOUS SPEECHES AND ADDBESSES 273

as Viceioy but the suggestion that the people -would wel-
come his leappeaiance was falsified by the authoiitative
espiession of the best Native opinion, and his continuance
in the office of Viceioy could only be pioductive of geiious
injuiy, both to England and to India What had been
the result of the non-fulfilment of this long senes of pio-
mises ’ The system of greed and oppiession still obtained
in the Government of India the country was being
selfishly exploited for the sole benefat of Englishmen . it
was slowly but suiely being drained of its wealth, foi no
countiy in the world could possibly withstand a drain of
from 30 to 40 miEions steilmg annually, such as India
was now subjected to , its power of production was
diminishing, and its people weie dying of hungei by the
million The lesponsibility for all tins tested upon
British rule What was the remedy ’ Not the mischiev-
ous, leactionaiy policy now being puisuecl by Loid
Ouizon, but the taking of steps to tiausfoimand ie\oIu-
tionise in a peaceful mannei the present e\il and disas-
trous system of government, go as to enable the people
themselves to take their full and pioper share in the
admmistiation of the affairs of then countiy Loid
Ourzon had described India as the pivot of the
Biitish Empiie India could not be content with the
present state of affairs, and he earnestly appealed to
the people of Gieat Britain themselves to compel
the Government to ledeein the promises so often made,
and to secure for India real self-goveinment, subject,
of couiae, to the paiamoiintcy of Great Brrtain {Ghccts.)

THE LEGACY OF LORD CURZON’S
REGIME

[-1 (j]eat meetiiuj of Indina'i i evident oi Lhe United
Khigdom wen held in May 1905, at the Giutoii Hull,
Westminster, to pwtest aijuinst Lonl Giiizon's aspeistons
upon the Indian Feo pie and then saoied wi itinqs, and
against the leaLtionuiy legislation that has chaiacteused
his cidn inistiiition 3li Dadahhai Naoroji piesided and
made the fnlloiring speech] —

We aie met togethei to-day foi a veiy important
purpose A unique event has happened, showing sigm-
ficantlj a sign of the times We have had in India
a gioat upiise, and m the chief towns thsie have been
held monstei meetings of Indians, denouncing and pro-
testing against the saj mgs and doings of the highest
authority there, making a protest in cleai, unmistakable
terms against the policy eUndei which India is ruled
It IS, indeed, a unique event I, at any late, do not
remembei anything similar having ever taken place in
the history of British India The Indians have very
unanimously, very earnestly, and very emphatically
declared that the system of rule they are now under
should not continue to be {Loud cheeis) Let us con-
sider what that means More than 60 years ago — 1
will iJot go back to an earlier period of our history — '
Mountstuart Elphmstone said —

It IS jn vam to endeavour to rule them (the Indians) on
I principles only suited to a slavish and ignorant population

And 40 years aftei — in the last 10 oi 12 yeais — we
find, not only a continuance of the same old system, but

MISCELLANEOUS SPEECHES AND \DDEESSB&

we find ifc bi ought to beai on the people with e\en moie
onetgy and more vigoui {“SJinniP ”) Some 11 yeais
ago Sir Henry Fowlei distmotlv and decidedly showed us
that India was to be governed on the piinciple® con-
demned by Hiphmstone, foi, by his conduct in letusmg to
give effect to the Eesolution legaiding simultaneous
examinations, passed m 1893, he proved that it i\as
intended to continue the same evil system under which
the countiy had been governed so long Then followed
Lord George Hamilton as Secietarj of State, and what
did he tell the whole world / Ho said —

Our rule shall never be popular Our rule can ne\ei; ho
populai

These were hrs own words, in one of his early
speeches, and ho has taken very good care that hrs pro-
phecy shall be fulfilled But hrs doings were not so serious
as Lord Cuizon’s, although he managed to go quietly on
issuing regulation aftei regulation with the object of
depiiving Indians as fai as possible of an opportunity of
making any further progress But then comes Lord
Ourzon, and he out Herods them all In the first Eeso-
lution you have enumerated a numbei of his measures
— and not a complete list, for there aio soma moie of
them — which he passed with the declared and clear
rntentron of cpntinumg to govern Indra only on prrncrples
suitable to slavish and ignorant populations Here, then,
we have a clear ^nd distinct issue Our rulers-^the
officials — tell us wo shall have no chance of evei becoming
a self-governing country — that they will not give us
an opportunity of preparing ourselves for it Un-
doubtedly, the charactei of the whole of the measures
passed within the last 10 years points towards such
an intention, and to’the retraction of the generous mode

276 SPEECHES OF DADA.BHAI NAOBOJI

winch was adopted on some occasions in the time of
Loid Ripon Now, tho Indian people have, foi the first
time, risen up and declared that this thing shall not be
{Loud cheei s ) Ileie is a cleai issue between th^ vuleis
and the people They aie come face to face. jrhe_ralera
say^^'^e shall lule, not only„as foreign inyadeES,.wiih
lire result of draining the country of its wealth, and
LillTng^niidns'layTainine^ plague,' and starving scores of
millionFhy ■^veil^ and destitution^’ While the ruled
are saying for the fir, st timdr' xhat shall not be” I
regard the day on which tho first Calcutta meeting was
held as a led-lelter day in the annals of India {Ghoeri > )

I am thankful that I havo lived to see the birthday of
the freedom of the Indian people {Benowed ohens)
The question now naturally arises, what will be the
oonsequenoes of this open declaration of war — as you
may call it — between the rulers and tho people ? I will
nob givo you my own opimons or my own views Anglo-
Indian oificials have told us that persistence in the
present evil system of government will lead to certain
consequences Sir John Malcolm, a well-known Governor
of Bombay, who bad a very distinguished career as a
political agent and as an official, after describing the
system that obtained in the government of India, prophe-
sied what would bo the necessary consequences, and

gn ,B _ '

The moral evil to us does not stai^ alone. It carries
with it its Nemesis the seeds of the destruction of the^
Empire itself ”

Again, Sir Thomas Munio sard —

It wouldbe more desirable that we should be expelled from
the country altogether, than that the result of our system of
government should be such an abasement of a whole people.

MISCELLANEOUS SPEECHES AND ADDRESSES 27?

Mr Bright spoke on many occasions, always do-
nounoing the existing system of government He always
regarded it as an evil and a disgi aceful system, and,
after dascubiug the system, ha wound up with these
words —

You raay rely upon it tint if there bo a ludgmont of
nations— as I belie /e there is— ns for individuals, our children,
m no distant goneidtions, must paj the penalty which wo have
purchased by neglecting our duty to the populations of India

I say a Government lu^o that has some ratal defect which
at some dist.int time, must bring disaster and humiliation to
the Government and to the people on vihoso behalf it rules

Sir William Huntei, you know, was a very distin-
guished official, and while he spoke as favourably as he
possibly could of the existing sya. em, he did. not fail
to point out the evil pait of it, and he summed up one
of hia lectures m these words —

Wo should h‘i6 h’d an Indian Iioland multiplied 50-fold
on our hands

Again, Lord Cromer — (fiicru) — — .. i

Changes should be taking place in the thoughts, the desires,
and the am’i, of the iutellige,.t and educated men of the coun-
try, whioh no vise and cautious Ginernn'ent can aflordto dis-
regard, and to vhioh thev must giailnally adapt their system of
administration, if they do not wish to see it shattered by forces
which they ha vo themselves called into homg, but which they
have failed to guide and control

Thou, Lord Hariugfion, when Secretary for India,
pointed out that the exclusion of Indians from the
government of their own country could not he a wise
procedure on tho part of the Biitish people, as the only
conseiiuence could be to

mai e the Indians desirous of getting nd, in the first in-
stance, of their European rulers

I have read to you only these four or five opinions
of men of po,qition — of high position in the Government,

27fi SPEEGIILS OF DA^I)\Ln\I NAOUOJI

and of oflicial Anglo-Indians — opinions to the eflect that
if the piesent evil system is to continue the result will
be to bring disastei to the British Enipue — that, in fact,
the Biitish Empiie in India will vanish That is the
position m which we aie at the present time, under an
evil system of rule Eitlm that jBvil system must c eas e
or it must produce diiSistious lesults to the British Em-
^ke itielf is clear Is

India to be governed on principles of^slaveiy or is she
'go' Be'go veTne g^s^ ^^ to~Bt1e.iselLa§ early as possible To
govern he rself ’

Anyone who reads the items enumerated m the fiist
Eesolution will see that Lord Our /on has set himself
most vigorously and most earnestly to the task of
securing that Indians shall he treated as slaves, and
that then country shall remain the property of England,
to be exploited and plundered at her will (“ Shatne ”)
That 13 the task to which Lord Oui/on has sot himself
with a vigour worthy of a better cause Now, that
being the case, there is a duty on the Indians themselves
(Cheers ) '' They have n ow broke n the ice , the^ h^e
declared thaTtKey^will not be goveined as slaves and_
nPvr le(}-tfaeig "3liow ~nrhpi i' ilrof determination, for, I liav e
Wf^tniMdoubrihatr^rTH6’"Buti3F^ubhc woie once
3aEffBe3*TRag“I5Znarii^3eteiminecI to Irave self-govern-
ment, it will be conceded. I may not live to see that
blessed day, but I do not despair of tliat result being
achieved (Checis) The issue which has nov/ been
raised between the Goveinois and the governed cannot
be put aside The Indian people have as one body and
lu a most extraoidinary way, risen for the first time to

MIKCtLLA.Nmj', SPEECHE'5 A.NI) \DDBE,SShS 270

cleclius fcheu detei'miBation to put an end to the pie-
&eut evil system of lule {Cheats) Now, I come to
the flisfc pait of the hist Eesolution — the uspeisions and
attacks Loid 0ui,3on has thought piopei to make — in, 1
am afraid, a little spiiit of peevishness — against the
chaiacter and leligion of the East I do not need,
however, to entei into any lefutatioii of what he has
said, for the simple leason that, as fai as J am concerned,
I perfoimed that task ,J9 yeais ago, when Mi Crawfoid,
the President of the Ethnological Society, wiote a papei
full of the veiy same ignoiant and supeificial charges
I replied to that, and 1 find that the Oiiental Bevicw of
Bombay has lepiinted my leply foi the present occasion
{Cheats) There are one or two other aspects of the
matter I should like to dwell upon It is leiy strange
Anglo-Indian ofDcials should throw stones in this matter
Let us have some enquu^ about the manner in which
the British Cfoveinment have behaved towards India
Again, 1 will not give you my own siews or ideas I
will give you those of Englishmen themselves — of men
of the very highest authority A Committee was
formed m the year 1800, of five membeis of no less a
body than the Council of the Secietaiy of State, in
order to enquire what the Government of the dav
should do with regard to the Act of 1833, by which all
disqualification of lace and creed was abolished This
Committee of live men — all high Anglo-Indian officials,
wdio had done mucli woik in India, and whose names
were all well known, gave a verj decided opinion that
the British Government had exposed itself to the chaige
of “ having made piomises to the ear and bioken them
to the hope ” This was m I860 In 18C9, the Duke
of Argyll clearly acknowledged what had been the

280

SPEECHES OF DADA.BHAI NAOKOJI

conduct of the Biifcisli Government towards the Indian
people m these woids —

I must s \ til it we hate not fi [filloti oui duty or the
prornisoH 'iiid engagLinents which we have made

That does not look very like sincerity and iight-
eousness on the part of the Butish Government ( Cheat s )
Then comes Loid Lylton Something like 18 yeais after
the Committee had given then opinion — an opinion of
which we knew nothing because the repoit was pigeon-
holed — Lord Lytton, in a private de&patch to the Secre-
tary of State, used these words —

No sooner was tlio Act (1833) passed, than tho Government
began to devise nieatis forpiaoticallj evading the fiilnlment of
it all so miiiy deliberate ind transparent subterfuges foi
stultifying the Act, and reducing it to a dead lettei I

do not hesitate to sav that both tlie Government of England
and of India appear to me, up to the present moment, unable to
answer satisfactorily the charge of having taken every moans
in their power of briaknig to the heart the words of promise
they had uttered to thi ear

Lastly, no less a peisonaga than Lord Salisbury
summed up the whole thing m two words Ho deolaied
that the conduct of the Butish Govoinmeni to the
Indian people was “ political hypocusy ’’ It does not,
then, he very well in the mouth of Anglo-Indian officials
to talk of lapses of Indian character and morality.
{Cheers ) They forgot that they themselves had a very
large beam in their own eyes when they were pointin'*
to a little mote which they fancied was m the eyes of
others (Beneiced cheering ) They ought to lemember
that they are living m glass houses, and should not
throw stones. The next aspect of Lord Ourzon’a charges
on which I wish to speak is this He does not seem to
laahse the responsibility of the position in which he has
been placed He is there representing the Boveieign of

MISCELIiAH&OUS SVMCHES AND ADDRESSISS 281

the Empire — ae Viceioy or Second King — the head of
a great people, 300 millions m number, who had pos-
sessed civilisation foi thousands ol years, and at a time
when his foiefathers weio wandeiing in the forests heie
[C^iecis and laughter) Ho had a special mission His
duty as Viceroy is to attiact as much as possible and
to attach the good feeling of the Indian people to the
lule of the Biitish Soveieign, What does he do ^ By
his acts bo deals a deadly blow to Biilish Kule, and then,
by a peculiaily ignoiant and petulant speech, ho creates
almost a i evolution in the whole of the Empire It is
really very strange that he should do oo But I am not
surpused at what ho has done, and I will give you the
reason why But, fust, I will ceitainly mention one
cucumstauce m his fa' oui and to his credit As we
all know, he mode a \ery firm stand against any brutal
treatment of the Indian people by Emopeans, and, in
so doing, caused dissatisfaction to his own countrymen
In that he really did a seivice, not only to Indians, but
to the whole British Empire (C/iccrs ) That one act
of his shall not be foigotten by Indians, for it showed
his sense of the justice he as a Viceroy should oieioise
{Beiiowod cheering) But by all the acts and measures
mentioned in the first resolution he has tried to Bussianise
the Indian Administration, and with that narioii states-
manship with which he has all along associated himself,
he has foigotten that while Bussiamsing the Indian
Admmibtiation, he is Russianismgalso the people of India,
who live at a distance of 6,000 miles from the centie
of the Einpiie, and who, consequently, are in a very
different position fiom the Eussiaus themselves, who
aie stiugghng against their own Government in then
own country. (Hcai, hear) It is remarkable that

SPEECHES OF DVLUBHVI HAOUOTI

QR‘2

Loid Cmzou. when he was fiist appointed Yieeiov,
said that India was the pivot of the Bntish Empire,
that if the Colonies left the British Empiio it would
not mattei much, whereas the loss of India would
)je the setting of the sun of the Empire What does ho
do ^ How does he stiengthon that pivot One would
think he would put mote strength, mote satisfaction, and
more piospeiity under the pivot, but, instead of that, he
has managed to deposit under it as much dynamite as ha
possibly can— djnamite m the form of public dissatisfac
tion, which, e\en in Ins own time, has produced the
inevitable evplosion Suiely, that is a remarkable way
of stiengthening the connexion between the British and
the Indian peoples But, as he had said, he was not
surprised at the Yieeregal caieoi of Lord Cuizon he
was only disappointed and sieved that the fears he
entertained when Loid Cuizon was appointed had been
iulfilled It had been a great disappointment to him,
because he had hoped against hope foi something better
The announcement of his appointment was made in
August, 1898, and m the following September he wiota
to a friend in these terms —

lam hoping against hope about Mr Curzon, for this reason
Cord faalishury was at one time not a little wild When he
rameto the India Office he seemed to have realised his re-
sponsibihtj , and proved a good secretary of State, as things go
-at least, an honestly outspoken one Will Curzon show
this capacity ’ That is to be seen

My disappointment is that ha did not show this
capacity, and did not realise the responsibility of his
position ^he did not know how to govern the Indian
Empire I will not take up moie of youi time The
ciisis has come , the people and the rulers aie face
to face The people hare foi 150 years suffered

liIISCELLA.NliOOS SPEECHES AND ADDRESSES 283

patiently, and, sfciange to say, then patience has been
made a taunt as well as viewed as a ciedit to them
Often I have been taunted with the fact that 300 mil-
lions of Indians allow themselves to be eo^emed like
slaves by a handful of people And then it is stated to
their credit that they aie a law-abiding, civilised, and
long-suftenns people But the spell is bioLen (Ghecrs.)
The old days have passed, and the Indian of to day looks
at the whole position in quite a different light New
India IS becoming restless, and it is dosiiable that the
Government should at once lealise it I hope that the
nest Government \,e have will reconsidei the whole
position, and will see and undeistand the changes that
liave taken place in the condition, knowledge, and
intelligence of the Indian people (C/icc’i <. ) I hope that
steps will be taken moie in conformity with the changes
that have taken place, and that things will not be
allowed to go on in thou piesent evil waj , to the detii-
meiit of the Empiie itself as well ns the suffering of the
people (Load chcrrs )

PART IL

H)abat>bai IBaouojrs Mntsnos

I.-ADMINISTRATION AND
MANAGEMENT
OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE. "

Dear Lord Welet, — I beg to place before you
and other Merobera of the Commission a few notes
about the scope and importance of its work '

The Refeience consists of two parts The farst is
“ To enquire into the Administration and Management
of the Military and Civil Expendituie incurred undei
the authoiity of the Secretary of State for India in
Council, 01 of the Government of India “

This enquiry requires to ascertain whether the
present system of the Administration and Management
of Expenditure, both hero and in India, secures suffi-
ciency and efficiency of sei vices, and all othei satisfac-
tory results, at an economical and affordable cost ,
whether there is any peculiar inherent defect, or what
Mr Bright called “fundamental error “t in this
system , and the necessity or otherwise of every expen-
diture.

I shall deal with these items as briefly as possible,
simply as suggestively and not exhaustively —

“ Sufficiency ’’—The Duke of Devonshire (then,
1883, Lord Hartington) as Secretary of State for India

• Submitted by Mr Naoroji to the Welby Commission,
October 1895

1 Speech in House of Commons, 3/6/1353

ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITDBB 285

has said * “ There can in my opinion be very little

doubt that India is insufficiently governed

Sir William Hunter has said t “ The constant de-
mand for impiovement in the general executive will
lequiie an incieasing amount of administiativo labour "
Efficiency — It stands to leason that when a
countiy IS " insufficiently governed,’’ it cannot be effici-
ently go\eined, however competent each seivant, high
and low, may be The Dube of Devonshire assumes ns
much in the woids, “ if the country is to be betlei
governed ” So does Sii William Hunter “ If we are
to govern the Indian people efficiently and cheaply ”
These words will be found m the fuller extracts given
furthei on.

“Economical and Afpobdablb Cost” — The
Duke of Devonshiie has said { “ The Government of

India cannot attorJ to spend more th.in they do on the
administration of the country, and if the country is to
be bettei governed, that can only be done by the
employment of the bdfet and most intelligent of the
Natives m the Service ’

Su William Huntei, after refemng to the good
work done by the Company, of the external and internal
protection, has said 5 "But the good work thus commen-
ced has assumed such dimensions under the Queen’s
Government of India that it can no longer be carried
on, 01 even supervised by imported laboui fiom England
except at a coat which India cannot sustain,’’

"forty yeais heieafter we should have' had an Indian

• Ib , 33/S/83

1 “ England s Work m India," p 131, 1830
t Houso of Commons, ^3/8/1333
) ‘‘England’s Work in India," p 130

28G UADA11HA.I I^AOEOTIS WEITINaS ,

Ii eland raulfei plied fatfc\ fold on oui hande The condi-
tion of things m India compels the 6o^ eminent to entei
on these pioblems Then solution and the constant
demand for impioveinent in the geneial e'iocntne, will
leqniia an incieasing amount of administiative laboui
India cannot affotd to pay foi thatlabom at the English
latcs, which aie tha highest in the world io). ofEcial
seivice But she can afioid to pay foi it at her own
Natne lates, which are peihaps tha lowest in the world
for such oinploMnent " ‘‘You cannot work with im-
ported laboui as cheaply as you can with Native laboui,
and I logaid the more extended employment of the
Natives not only as an act of justice but as a financial
nece^sitv " “ The appointment of a few Natives ann-
ually to the Covenanted Civil SeivicewiU not solve the
pioblem If we aie to govern the Indian people

officientlv and choaplj, we must govern them by means
of themselves, and pav foi the Adrainistiation at the
uiaiket Idles of Native laboui ”

“Ant Inherent DEFEcaf" — Mr Bright said i ,
— “ I must say that it is my belief that if a country bo
found possessing a most feitile soil capable of bearing
eveiy variety of production, and that notwithstanding
the jieopla aie in a state of exkome destitution and
suffeiing, the chances aie there is some fundamental
enoi in the government of that country ”

I take an instance Suppose a Euiopean seivant
draws a salary of Es 1,000 a month He uses a portion
of this foi all his wants, of comfoit, living, etc , etc All
this consumption by him is at the deprivation of an
Indian who would and could, under right and ‘natural

' "England’s Work m India," pp 118-19

1 House of Commons, 3/6/1853,

A.DMINISTHA.TION OF INDIAN EXPBNOITOKE f3R7

cucumstances, occupy that position and enjoy that pio-
vision This IS thefarst paitialloss to India, as, at least,
the 801 vices on] o>ed hi the Euiopeans aie lendered by
Indians as they would have lendeiedto any Indian occu-
pying the position But wlutevei the European sends
to England foi hisvaiioiis wants, and whatever savings
and pension ho ultimately, on his letiiement, earuas
away with him, is a complete diain out of the country,
ciippling her whole mateual condition and her capacity
to meet all hei w>ints — a dead loss of wealth togothei
with the loss of woik and wisdom — i c , the accuinulated
evperienea of his seivice Besides, all State evpendituie
m this country is a dead loss to India

This paculiai inheiont evil oi fundamental euoi in
the present Butisb Indian adininistiation and manage-
ment of expenditure and its consequences have been
foretold moie than a bundled yeais ago by Sir John
Shoie (1787)

‘Whatever allovvanoL we m.ite for the increased industry
ot the subjects of the .state, ovv mg to the enhanced demand toi
the produce ot it (supposing therteinmd to be enhanced), there
IS reason to conclude that tlie benehts are more than counter-
balanced by evils inseparable Irom the system ot a remote
loreign dominion " *

And it IS significantly lemail able that the same in-
iioient eyil in the piesent system of administration and
management of expenditure has been, aftoi neaily a hun-
dred years, confumeci bv a Seeretaiy of State foi India
Lord Eandolpli Chiiichill has said in a lottei to the
Tieasury (l88f)) i

“ The position ot India in relation to taxation and the
sources of public revenue is veiy peculiar not merely from the
habits of the people and their strong aversion to change, which

* Parliamentary Return 377 ot 1S13 Minute, para 132
t Par Return (C « 68 ], 1886

DADABHAI NAOROJI'S -WHITINGS

IS more specially exhibited to new forms of taxation, but like-
wise from the character of the government, which is in the
hands ot foreigners who holdall the principle administrative
offices and form so large a part of the Army The impatience
of the new taxation which will have to bo home wholly as a
conseqaenco of the foreign rule imposed on the countiy, and
virtuall', to meet additions to cliaiges arising outsiUe of the
countri, would constitute a political danger the real niag-
mtudo ot which it is to be leaied is not at all appreciated by
persons who have no knowledge ot our concern m tlio Govein-
ment of India, but which those responsible for that govein-
iiicnt have long regarded as oi the most serious order ’

Lord Salisbuiy, as Secretaiy of State fot India, pub
the same inherent evil in this manner “ The injury is
exaggerated m the case of Indiai wheie so much of the
leveniie is expoited without a direct equivalent ” And
he indicates the ehaiactei of the piesent system of the
administration and management of espenditnie as being
that “ India must be bled ”* I need nob say more upon
this aspect of the inherent evil of the piesent system of
expenditure

“ The necessity or otherwise ’’ of any expen.
diture IS a necessary preliminary for its prhper adminis-
tration and management, so as to secure all I have
mdicated above. You incidentally instanced at the last
meeting that all expendituie foi the collection ot revenue
will have to be congideied — and so, m fact, every
expenditure in both countues will have its administra-
tion, management and necessity, to be considered

The second paib of the Eeference is “ The appor-
tionment of chaige between the Governments of the
United Kingdom and of India for purposes in which
both are interested ”

' Far. Return [G 3086-1], 1881, p 144 Minute, 29-4-75

ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE. 289

Whafc we shall have to do is, fiist to ascertain all
the pm poses in which both oountiies aio interested by
esaminmg eveiy chaige in them, and how fai each of
them la respectively inteiested therein

In my opinion thaie aia some chaiges in which the
United Kingdom is almost wholly oi wholly mteiosted
But any such cases will be dealt with as they aiise

After asceifcaining such puiposes and the extent of
the interest of each countiy the next thing to do would
be to ascertain the compaiative capacity of each coun-
try, so as to fi\ the light appoitionment according to
such extent of interest and such capacity

1 shall ]ust state heie what has been alieady ad-
mitted to be the compaiative capacity by high authoiities.
Lord Ciomer (then Majoi Baling), as the linance
Minister of India, has said in Ins speech on the Budget
{18R2) " In England, the aveiage income pei head of
population was ■£! ! , in Franco, it was JC23 , in Turkey,
which was the pooicst countiy m Emope, it was £4 per
head ” I may add heio that Mulhall gives for Eussia
above £9 per liead About India, Loicl Ciomcr says
“ It has been calculated that the aveiage income pei
head of population in India is not more than Es 27 a
year , and though I am not piopaied to pledge myself
to the absolute aocmacy of a calculation of this soit,
it is sufliciently acciiiale to justify the conclusion that
the taxpaying community is exceedingly poor To deiive
any very laige inciease of levenue from so poor a
population as this is olniouily impossible, and, if it were
possible, would be unju^tihable.” “ But he thought it
was quite sufiScient to show the extreme poveity oi the
mass of the pooide ” I thmlc the principles of the cal-
culation for India and the other countiies are somewhat

200 DAUAliHAI N\nRUJlS 'UBITIXGS

Jilleient , but that, if necess.aii, would be considsied at
the light time Foi buch laige puipo^ea with the Oom-
imssion has to deal these figuies might be consideiecl
enough foi guidance I then asked Loid Oromei to give
me the details of his calculations, as ray calculations,
which, I think, weie the veiv fiist of then kind tot India,
had made out onl> Es 20 pel head pei annum Though
Rb 27 01 Rs 20 can make but veiy small difference in
the concluoiOQ of “ extiome poveit> of the mass of the
people,’* still to those “ extiemely pooi ” people whose
aveiageisso small, and even that avoiage cannot be
available to evoiy individual of them, the diffeience of
so much as Rs 7, oi neaily 33 poi cent , is a mattei of
much concern Loid Ciomer himself says “ He would
ask honouiable luemheis to think what Rs 27 per
annum was to suppoi’D a peison, and then he would ask
whether a few annas was nothing to such poor people ”
Unfoitnnately, Loid Ciomei lefused to give me bis
calculations These calculations weie, 1 am informed,
piepaied by Su David Baihom, and the lesults em-
bodied in a Note I think the Commission ought to
have this Note and details of calculations, and also
similai calculations, say foi the last live years or longei,
to the latest day piacticable This will enable the
Commission to form a definite opinion of the compai-
ative capacity, as well as of any progioss or otherwise in
the condition of the people, and the average annual
pioduction of the counti'i

The only one othei authority on the point of capa-
city which I would now give is that of Su Henry
Fovvlei as Secietaiy of State foi India He said*

Budget Debate 15/8'64

\DMIiSIISIR \.TION OP INDIAN E VP^NCITlinB

‘‘ Now, OS to the tevenue, I think the liguie*! aio vety
msfcrucfcue Wheieas m England the taxation is £2 H s
SiJ. pet head , in Scotland, £2 hi pei head , and
in I island, £L 134 'od i ei head the Budget which 1
shall piesent to-moiiow will show that the taxation
pei head m India is something like 2s 6d , oi one-twen-
tieth the taiation of the United Kingdom and one-
thuteenth of that of lieland ” And that this vety
small capacity of 2s. Cd. pei head is most buidensomo
and oppressive is admitted on all hands, and the authori-
ties aie at then wits’ ends what to do to squeeze out
11101 0 So fai back as 1870" Mi Gladstone admitted
about India as a conntiy, ‘too much burdened, ” and
111 1 KOS.-f he said “ The expendituie of India and es-
pecially the Military expendituie is alainiing.”

Sir David Barbour said! “ The financial position of
the Govornment of India at the piesent moment is such
as to give cause for appiehension ” The prospects of
tlio future are dislieaitening

Lord Landsdowne, as Viceroy, said I “ Wo should
diiven to lay before the Council so discouraging an
account of oui Einances, and to add the admission, that
foi the piesent, it is beyond oui powei to desciibe the
means by which we can hope to e'tiicate ouiselves from
the difficulties and emiiaiiassnionts which surround us ”
“ My Hon'ble fiiend is, I am afiaid, but too well lustified
m regarding out position with gia\ e apprehension ” We
have to consider not so much the \eais which are past

• Hansard, vol 201, p 521, 10/5/1870
I Hansnrd, vol 14, p C92, 30/6/1895
! Per Beturn 307, of 1893, Pmanoial 'tatement, 23/3/95
^ Ib , para 28

Par Return 207, of 1393 Financial Statement, 23/3,93

292

DADABHAI NAOROJi’S WRITINGS.

md gone a>i those which are immediately ahead of us,
and if wa look forward to these, there can be no doubt
ihat we have cause for seiious alarm ” *

" Many such confessions can be quoted And now
whan India is gioaning under such intolerable heavy
axpenditure, and for the relief of which, indeed, this very
[loyal Commission has come into eiiatence, the utmost
;hat can be squeezed out of it to meet such e'.pendituie is
2s &d pel head Thus, by the statement of S'r H Fowlei
19 Secretary of State foi India, the lelati e capacity of
poor India at the utmost pressure is only one-twentieth
ef the capacity of the prosperous and weiltby United
Kingdom But there is still something worse When
the actual pressure of both taxations as compared, with
the respective means of the two countues is consideied,
it wiil ha found that the pressure of taxation on ‘ extre-
mely pool" India is much more hea,y and oppiassive
than that on the most wealthy country of Bnghnd

Even admitting for the present the overestimate of
Lord Cocmor of Es 27 income, and the undeiastimate
ef Sit H Fov/ler about 2s M , revenue raised, the pres
sure of percentage of the Indian Eevenue, as compared
with India’s means of paying, is even then slightly higher
than that of the United Kingdom But if my estimates
of means and revenue he found correct, the Indian
pressure oi percentage will be found to be hity or more
per cent heavier than that on the U mtod Kingdom

You have noticed a similai fallacy of regaidmg a
smaller amount to he necessarily a lighter tax in the
Irish Eoyal Commission

• Par Return 307, of 1893, p 110 Financial Statement.

VnMINISTEATION Oi* RDI VN LXEENniTUKE. 27;^

“ 2613,* You went on to mako talhec a sinking
comparison between the weight of taxation in Ireland
and Great Britain, and I think you took the yeais 1811
to 1881, In answer to Mi, Saxton, taking it head by
head, the incidence of taxation was comparatively very
light I may say in 1841, and veiy heavy comparatively
m 1881 ‘’—Yes

“ 2614 I would ask you does not that want some
quahflcation If you take alone without qualification
iSie incidence of taxation upon people, leaving out of
view entirely the fact whether tho people have become
111 the Intel val poorer oi iichoi, will you not got to a
wrong conclusion? Let me give you an instance of
what I moan I will take such a place as tho Colony
of Victoria Before the gold diacoveiies you had there
a small, sparse, squatting population, piobably very little
administaied, and paying very few taxes Probably m
such a case you would find out that the incidence of
taxation at that time was OAtremoly small — Yob

“ 261o Bub take it thirty oi forty yeais Intel when
there was a greater population, and what I am now
dwelling upon, an improvement m wealth, you would
lind out that the incidence of taxation was veiy much
heavier pei liead , foi instance, peihaps o-. per head at
lust, and pailiaps £2 in the second hut it would be
vfiong to draw the conclusion fiom that fact that the
individuals ware relatively more heavily taxed at the
latei period th.an tho fiist. Would it not *

Similaily, it would be wrong to draw the conclusion
that the individuals of England vveie more heavilv' taxed
than those of India, because the aveiage of the former
was £2 11s Sd , and that of the lattei was 2s Od An
* t’ar Return lo 77,1(1-11, iSUi kordWollij
24—10

294

D\DABHA1 NA0B0.11’^ WRIWNGb

slephaut may caiiy a ton with eahSi but an ant will bo
cru'shod by a quarter ounce.

Not only is India moie heaMly based than England
to supplying its espsndituie, but there is another addi-
tional destructive ciioumstanoe against India The whole
British taxation of £2 11s Bd poi head i etui ns entirely
to the people themselves from whom it is laised. But the
2s 6d. so oppressively obtained out of the poverty-
stricken Indians does not all return to them. IJo
wonder that with such a destructive and unnatural
system of " the administiation and management of
expenditure” millions peiish by famine and scores of
railhous, or — as Loid Lawrence said (1864) — “the
mass of the people, enjoy only a scanty subsistence ”
Again in 1873, before the Select Committee of the House
of Commons, Lord Lawrence said “ The mass of the
people of India are so miseiably poor that they have bare-
ly the means of subsistence. It is as much as a man can
do to feed his family or half-feed them, let alone spend
ing monev on what may be called luxuries or con-
veniences ” I was present when this evidence was
given, and I then noted down these words I think
they are omitted from the published report, I do not
know why and by whom. In considering theiefore the
admimstiation and management of expenditure and the
apportionment of charge for common purposes, all such
circumstances are most vital elements, the importance
of the attention to which cannot be over-estimated

The Tunes of 2nd July last, m its article on “Indian
Affairs,” estimates the extent and importance of the
work of the Commission as follows

\DMIMISTR VTION OR INIH\N L\PENmTtJKrj 295

Hio Bnt'sh ta\pdyei sliouldiliavu borne, the British ta^rpayer w ill
not hesitate to do hH duty At present we are m the unsatis-
factory position which allows ot injurious aspersions being made
on the justice and good faith of the British nation, without hu-v-
mg the means ot knowing whether the accusations are true or
lake Those accusations have been brought forw ard m the
House of Lords, m the Hoiioe of Conimoiis, and iii a hundred
nowspapcis, pamphlets and memorials in India, Individual
pyperts ot equal authority t ike opposite sides in regard to them
Any cuitailmont of the scope of the Royal Commission's eiiqiurv
which might debar reasonable men from coming to a ( ouclusion
on these questions would be viewed with disappomtinent in
Siigland and with deep dissatisfaction throughout Iiidiu ”

Now, whab are the “ accusations ” and “ in]uiious
aspersions " on the justice and good faith of the Biitisb
nation ’ Heia ate some statements by high authorities as
to the objects and lesulfcb of the piesonb system of the
adnnnistiation and maiiagoment of ovpondituie of Biitiah
Indian revenues

!Macaulav pointed out

“That would indeed he a doting v isdoru, winch, iii oidei
tlu( India might remain a dependent y, ’"oukl make it a visless
and costly depeiidoncv — which would keep a hundred million^
of men from being our customers m„order that tiiej might coii-
nnuo to bo our slaves”*

Loid Salisbuiy says “ India must be bled
Ml Blight said

“ The 1 ultivators ot the soil, the gn^at body ol the popula-
tion ot India, are in a condition ot great impoverishment, ot
•great dejection, and ot great suffering

• “ We must in tutuie have India govei ned not toi a liandtul
of Englishmen, not for that Civil Serv ice whose praises are so
constantly sounded in this Hoi se You may govern India, if
you like, for the good of England, but the good of England
must come through the channels of the good of India There
are but two modes ot gaming my thing by our conneTion with

• Hansard, vnl 19, p, 533, 10/7/1S33
I Par Return [c, 3080 1], 1881
< J)Hou«e of Commons, 11/GT858

‘29G DA.D\.BU‘VI NVOROJI’S ^VRITI1S^TS

lacli 1 The one ts bj pluudoiiiif' the people of IiuIm, iilnl the
other bj trading Vritli lliem I pretei to do it by trading v ith
them But m order that England m iv bteome ru b by trading
uitli India, India itselt must become rmh ” *'

Now, as long as ihe picsanfc systoin is what Mi
Urighii eharaefcatisas )>v implication as tliafc of plundot*
ing, India cannot become iieli

“I sav that 1 tio\erimiPiit put m tr 350,000,000 ol people,
\i hich ba^ levied td-vos. till it can le\y no inoie, winch tponds
all that It can Icvi, and which has borrowed X 100,000,000 more
that all that it can lovj ~I say Government like that has some
fatal defect, which, at some not distant tune, must bung diaas-
ter and hum illation to tlie Goiernmoiit and to the peopla on
whose behalf it rules
Ml I'p.wcelt said

“Lord Metcalf had well jtnd that the banc of our svsteui
w lb that the advantages wcio leaped by one class and the
w ork w as done by another ” I

Su Geoige Wmgato ' says with legate! 6otho presenl
Si stem of expendituie

‘ Taxes spent in the cauiitrj' from which they aie raised
ire totally different m their eftect from taxes raised m one
country and spent iii anothci In the former case the taxes
collected irom the population are again returned

to the industnoub oliibbob But the case is wholly

different when the taxes are not spent in the oountri from
which thej are raised . Thov constitute . an

absolute loss and ectinction of the whole amount withdrawn
trom the taxed couiitrv might as well be thrown

into the sea Bucli is the nature ol the tribute we

have so long evacted trom India From this

explanation some taint conception miv bo formed of the
cruel, crushing effect of the tribute upon India ” “ The
Indian tribute, whether weighed in tlio scales ol justice, oi
\ lewed m the light ol our own interest, will be found to be at
variance with huiiianitj , with conimon sense, and with the
roceised maxims ol economic science ’’

* House of Commons, 34/b/l&58

t Speech in the Manchester Town Hall, 11-13' 1877

* Hansard, vol 191, p 1841, 5/5/1868

^ “ A. Few Words on our Financial Rolationa with India
(Lundon, Richardson Bros , 18a9.)

humimktbation or Indian iavesmture 297

Lord Lawience, Loid Giomer, Sir Auckland Colvm
and othois dechie the extiemo poveity of Biitish India,
and that aftei a hundred yeais of the administiation of
e\pondituie hy the most highly-piaisad and most highly-
paid service in the world — hy administrators drawn from
the same class which serves in England

Sir John Shore, as alieady stated, predicted a
hundred j^eais ago that under the present system the
benefits aie more than countcihalanoed by its evils.

A Committee of five membeio'’’ of the Council of
the Secretary of State foi India said, m 18G0, that the
Biitish Govoruuicnt was exposed to the charge of
keeping piomiso to the oar and breaking it to the hopg .
and Lord Lybton i said, in 1S7S, the same, with gieatei
emphasis, m a ]\Iinnto winch it is desirable the
Commission should have
Loid Lytton said ,

“ riio ol rirliiimeiit l^ so uiidolined, and ii'definiti*

■ iliUgations on till* pirt ot tin <l(i\ eminent ot India towaids
it*- N.iiivo subjoits aie s; oliMOui-ly diingorous, that no
rnoner was the Att jitS'-en than the fiovernment began to
le I'C means lor practic ilK cMiding the fulfilment ot ir
tlndartlio ti rms ot the Act, wliiih iro studied and lud li
heart b\ that imreasing ila-.s ot educated Natires whoso
development the rrovirnmcnt tiiLoiiragos without being able
rn sitisfv the aspir.itioiis of its evisting niumbers, e^ery such
Native, it unco admitted to (Tosenimfiit employment in posts
previously reserved to the coven inted soi ,ice, is entitled to
I'pcct and claim appointment III the fair course of promotion
to the highest post in that sen ice We all know that these
ilamis and expectations necir can or will be fulfilled We
ha\e had to choose between prohibiting them and cheating
them, ind wo have i hose n the least straightforward course

' Sii J P Willoughby, Ml Mangles, Mr Aibutlinot,
-Mr MacNaughton. Sir E Perry

'■ Repoit of the first Indian National Congiess, p 10
II behev e this to be in a Minute 30/5/1878 | }) to w-hic h the
Government ot India s Deapatcli of i/5/1873 refers Pai
Koti rn [C 337h, XS70, p 1 5]

208 D\D\hIIVI XAOROTl’b WrjTINdS,

Ihe apphojtioa to Natives, ol the ooi ipetitivo exauiiuatioii
,y»tem— as (.oiidiicteii in Englaiitl— and the recent icduotiou in
ha ago at which candidates can compete are also manc
lehberate and transparent subtertnges for stultifying the Act
ind 1 educing it to a dead letter Sinuc I am writing con-
identiallj , I do not hesitate to sav that hotJi the Govornraents
d England and ot India appear to me, up to the present
aonionl, unahle to ansvvei satidac torily the chaige of having
nfcen evoiv means in their power of hieakiiig to the heart the
' ords ot promise they had uttered to the ear. ”

The Duke of Ai&yll saul

“ I must say that wo have not fulhlled our dut\ or tin
ironnses and engagements which wo have made. ”

When Loid Noithbiook pleaded ^ (1883) the Act of
Paihament of 1833, the Couit of Diiectoib’ explanatory
le^patch and the great and solemn Proclamation of 1858,
Lord Salisbury in reply said “ Mu lanh, I do not i,ee
I lint IS the use of all this political IvjiJocnsu ” 1

The Act for xvliich Macaulay sard “ I must say that
rO the last day of my lifo I sliall bo proud of having been
)U 0 of those who assisted in the framing of the Dill
vhioh contains that olarrse , ” the clause which he called
' that wise, that benevolent, that noble clause, ” and
vhiclr Lord Lansdowne supported iti a noble speech as
uTolvmg “the hapmess or misery of 100,000,000 of
luman beings, ’’ and as “ confident that the strength of
ihe Government would bo increased , and the great and
nost solemn proclamation ot the Sovereign on behalf of
ihe British nation are, according to Lord Salisbury
political hypocrisy Gan there be a more serious and
.njnrions aspersion on the justice and good faith of the
British nation

The Duke of Devonshire pointed out that it would

* Speech m House of Lords, 11/3/1869
' Hansard, vol 3TT, p 1792,9/4/1883
, 16, p. 1798

ADMINTSTR VTION OP INDIVN EXPENDITURE 29&

not Ije wise to tell a patriotic Nati \0 that the Indians
shall never have any chance “ eioept by their getting ad
m the fiist instance of their European ruleia * "

Eiom the beginning of British connection with India
up to the piesent day India hag been made to pay for
every possible kind of e\pandituro for the acquisition and
maintenance of Batish Eule, and Britain has nevei con-
tabutod her fair shaio (oiccept a small poition on few
lare occasions, such as the last Afghan Wai) foi all the
great benefits it has always derived from all such expendi-
ture and “ bleeding ’’ oi “ slaving ” of India And so this
is a part of the important mission of this Commission, to
lastly apportion charge for purposes in w hich both coun-
taes are interested

Such are some of the “ accusations ” and “ mjuaous-
aspersions being made on the justice and good faith of
the British nation," while truly ‘‘ Great Britain is anx-
ious to deal fairlv with India ’’ Justly does the Times
I onclude that any curcailmont of the Eoyal Commisgion’s
enquiry which might debar reasonable men from coming
to a conclusion on these questions would be viewed with
dissappointment in England and with deep dissatisfac-
tion throughout India ”

The Times is fuithei justified when Sir Henry
Fowler himself complained of “ a veiy ationg indictment
of the British Government of India ’’ having been
" brought befoie the House and the country ” t And it
IS this indictment which has led to the enquiry

On the 10th of this month the Times, m a leadei on
the conduct of the Tiansvaal with regard to trade and

* House of Coninions, 23/8/18^3
I House of Commons, 15/8/1891

00 r)A.D4I5rjAI NAOROJi’S WBITISSS

lanchise, ends in these woids “ A. man may suffei’ the
esfci lotion of his libel t\ with patience for the advance-
nent of his material piosperity. He may saorifica mate
lal piospenty for the sake of a liberty which he holds
Qore valuable When his public rights and hia private
ntaiests aie alike attacked the lestiaimng influences on
vbieh the peace of civilised societies depends are dan
'aiously weakened ”

So, when the Indian finds that the piesent adminis-
rtation and management of expenditure saciifice his
nafcerial piospenty that ha has no voice in the ad-
ninistration and management of the expenditure of his
jountiy, and that overj burden is put upon his head
done — when thus both “ his public lights and private
Intel ests are ahko attacked the lestiaining influences on
which the peaco of cmlised societies depends aio dan-
geiously weakened ”

8u Louis Mallet ends his Minute of 3rd February,
187"), on Indian Land Eovonue with woids winch
deseive attention as paiticularly applicable to the ad-
ministration, management, and necessity of Indian
expendituro * Ho says

“By a perpetual mtertfrcnce with the operation of laws
V Inch our own rule in India has set in motion, >ind whicli i
vonture to thmk are essential to sucocss — by a constant habit
of palliating symptoms instead of grappling with disease— mac
we not be leaving to those who come after a task so aggravated
bj our neglect or timiditv that w hat is ditfioult for us may bo
impossible for them

I undei stand thateveiy witness that comes befoie
the Gommissiou will nob be considered as of any parti',
or to support this or that side, but ds a witness of the
'Comraission coming for the simple object of helping the
* Par Return le 3086-1], 1881, p 13^

ADMINISTR 'l'EION of INDIAN ENDENDITURE ]01

Commission in finding out the actual whole truth of
eveiy question undei consideration.

I shall estearn it a favoui if, at the next meeting,
you will he so good as to jilaoe this letter before the
Commission, 1 may mention that 1 am sending a copy
to eveiy memhei of the Commission, in oidei that they
may lie made a-iniiiaintod hefoiehand with its content-^

Yours truly,

DADIBIIAI NA.OHOII

11 .

Dl-\.R LuRD WeIiRY, —I now subaati to the OomLaia-
31011 a Inithei lepiesenfcation upon the most important
test of the present " Adnnnistiation and Management
Dt Expendituie,” viz , its results

Kindly oblige me b> laying it before the Commission
rt the ne^t meeting I sfrall send a copy of it to every
member of the Oommission As the reference to the-
Oomrois&ion embraces a nrimboi of most vital questions
— vital both to England and India — I am obliged to
submit m> lepieseutation m paits, When I have
finished I shall be willmg, if the Commission think it
nacessaiy, to appear as a witness to be cross-examined
upon my lopiesentations If the Commission think
that I should he examined on each of representa-
tions sepaiately, I shall be willing to he examined

In the Act of 1858 (see EIII) Parliament piovided
that among other information for its guidance the
Indian anthoiities should la^ before it every jear “ A
Statement prepared from detailed Eepoits from each
Presidency and Distiicb in India, in such form as shall
best exhibit the Moral and Material Progress and Condi-
tion of India in each such Pioskleiioy ” Thereupon such
Eeports were ordered by the Government of India to be
prepared by the Government of each Presidency.

As a beginning the Reports weio natiii ally imperfect
m details In 1862, the Government of India observed
“ There is a mass of statistics in the Adnimistration Ra-
poits of the vaiious Local Governments but they

are not compiled on any unifoim plan so aS*to show
■* Submitted to the Welbv Ooin’iii'''<ion on ‘)tli lauuurv , 1896

ADMINIbXE \MON OF IMjI VJS' h.Vl'EWDITaRE 303

the statistics of the Empiie ” (.i’m Con , June, ’62)
The Statistical Committee, -winch the Gi^einment o£
Inclia had organised for the puiposo, pieparad ceitain
Eorms of Tables, and aftei receiving leports on those
foims fiom the diffeient C4ov0inments made a Kopoife
to the Government of India, with levisad Eorms of
Tables (Office Memoiandum, Financial Depaitment, No<
1043, dated 2R/2/C6) The membeis of this Committee
weio Mr A Giote, piosident, and Messrs G Campbell,
I) Cowie, and G Smith

I confine myself in this statement to the tables con-
cerning only the mateiial condition of India, oi whac
aio called “ Production and Distiibutioii "

The following aie the table- piesciibod —
PBODUOTION \N1> DISTEIBUTION
FOEM 1>— AirEicoiiicnn

Under a foimoi Section proMSioii is made foi intorma-
tioii legarding soils so fai as nrtiiio is concerned
and we bare now to do wich what the soil pro-
duces, and with all that is necessary to till the soil,
all of which is embraced undei the heads — Crop,
Stock, Bent, and Production

Crops Ceptivvted Acres, \cte vl or
APPROMM\TC — 1

Total

304

DA.r)VBHU NA.OROJl’S -WRITINGS

General

Average

FORM F3.

Pncf of Pmd'tfr rind hhnin at ihc end of tlio uou)

PaomioF —1

P11C6 o{ Produce pai raaund o£ 80 lbs

ugh Bullo

ADMlNISTIlAa?IOK nr I^'DI-VN J VfhKltlTOBB 305

J-’noes — continued.

ppi fliom

j GoiiBial a''orago

Note— T he general ulwractei of the staple of the distnct
'.hould he stated as “ Cotton, Indigenous, ” “ Cotton, Now
Orleans,” “Sugar, Ka^,’ " Sugai, Nelinod," “halt, Rook',”
‘Salt, Saniber LaLo,’’ and so on

hORiE h

MT.,rs ^ND Qi \Piuj

^00 DAiniiHAI NVoEuai’S vVIimN(j^

\]XMINISTBAXION 01 INDIAN ENPBNDITURl M)7

lb Will be seen tiom these tables that they aif
sufficient foL calculating the total “ pioduetion ” of an>
^lovinea with such additions for sundiy othei pioduce
as may bo necossaiy, with suflioionb appioximacy to
acamaoy, to supply the information which Paihament
wants to know about the piogiess oi deterioration of
the material condition of India

Sir David Barhoui said, in loply to a question put
by Sii James Peile —

“ 3283 It does not 1)\ any means follow that people ai e
starving because they are poor ' — Not in the least You must
recollect that the cost ot the necessaries ot lite is \erv much
loss in India than it is in England ”

Now, the question is, whethei, e\en with this
“ \eiy much less tost ” of the nocossariob and wants of
life, tlieso nocessaiies and wants of life oven to an
absolute amount, few as thev are, aie supplied h>, the
"pioduction of the yeai ” Sii D Baibour and otheis
■that speak on tins point liave not given any pioof that
oven tliGse cheap and few wants aio supplied, with also
a fan icservo loi bad seasons It is inosplicablo whj
the Statistical Committoo failed to piesciihe the tables
Joi the nocessaiy consumption — oi, as the heading of
Foim D called " Distiibution ” — if they leally meant to
givo Paihament sucli full infoimation as to enalile it to
judge wliethei " the mass of the people,” as Loid Law-
lence said, “ lived on scanty subsistence ” or not The
Statistical Committee has thus inissed to ask this othei
necessaiy information, f'", the wants of a common
labouLsi to keep himself and his family in oidinaiy,
healthy working condition — in food, clothing, sheltei,
and other necessaiy ordinary social wants It is by the
oompaxison of what is jjroduced and what is neecUd by
the people eien foi the absolute necessaiiesof life (leave

DA£)-VI.HAI NiOKO.d'h WBITINi

JOh

alone any luxunes) that an> fcliiUB lilvo a fan idea of the
oondifcion of the people can bo foimod In iny fiisfc
iefctei to the Secietaiy of State foi India, of 24th May,
1880, I have woiked out ns an illustiation all the neces-
-,aiy tables both foi “ pi eduction " and “ distiibution,”
j c , absolute necessaries, of life of a common labomer m
Ir’uniab

If the demands of Paihainani aie to be loyally
supplied (which, unfortunately, is almost invariably not
the attitude of Indian authoiities in matters concerning
the welfare of the Indians and honoui of the Biitish
name depending theieon) there is no leason whatever
why the mfoimation lequued is not fully furnished by
evQiy piovmco They ha\e all the necessaiy mateiials
foi these tables, and they can easily supply the tables
both for “ productiou ” and “ distribution ” oi necessary
consumption, at the pi ices of the yeai of all necessayy
wants Then the Statistical Depaitment ought to work
up the aveiage poi head per annum foi the whole of
India of both “ pioduction ” and “ distiibution ” Un-
less such information is supplied, it is idle and useless
to endeavour to persuade the Commission that the
material condition of the people of Biitish India is
impTOiTing It was said in the lettei of the Secietary
of State for India to me of 9th August, 1830, that m
Bengal means did not exist of supplying the mfoimation
I desired Now that may have been the case m 1880,
but lb is not so now , and I cannot understand why the
Bengal Government does not give the tables of pioduo-
fcion at all in its Administiation EepOrt The only
table, and that the most impoitant one, lor which it
was said they had not the means, and which was not
given in the Administration Eepoit, is given m detail in,

ADMINISTRATION OP INDIAN EXPENDIT0KE 309

le “ Statistical Abstiact of British India for 1893-4 ”
Pari Bet [C 7,887] 1895), pp. 141-2

No 73— ORors Under Cultivation in 1893-4

(p 141)

Administiation — Bengal
ACRES

1

Wheat 1

Other Food
Grams (in-
cluding
Pulses)

Other Food
Crops 1

1

Sugar- j

Coflae

8,300,300 j

1,630,300|

11,636,000

3,130,900

1,083,400

i

ACRES — CO, if t nurd

110,800 301,380 3 338,200 307,100 3,353 000 fill, 3(

ACRES — continued

Tobacco

Cm- I
chona j

Miscel-

laneous

Total area

Deduct area
cropped j

Actual area
on which
crops were
grown

730,500

3,900 j

434,900

64,444 200^

10.456.900

53,987,300

Then, at page 142, theie is also given total area
inder crops — of area under irrigation — ^64,444,200
ores Ceitainly, if they can know tha total aiea, they

310 dadabhai naoeoji’s whitings

Then as bo the ciops pei acie of some of the pimcipal
produce, they can have no diffloulty in asceitaining, and
the puces ,iare all legulaily published of piincipal articles
of food Theie can be no difficulty in obtaining the
prices of ail puncipal produce The whole matter is
too important to be so lightly tieated The extreme
importance of this information can be seen from the
fact that Parliament has demanded it by an Act, and
that Sir Henry Powlei himself made a special and
earnest challenge about the condition of the people
He said in his speech on 15th August, 1894, when he
promised the Select Committee —

“ The question I wish to consider is whether that Govern-
ment, with all its machinery as now existing m India, has oi
has not promoted the general prosperity ot the people in its
charge , and whether India is better or worse off by being a
Province of the British Crown "

And this IS the question to which an answer has
to be given by this Commission — whether the present
administration and management of the mihtary and
Civil Expenditure mcuried in both countries, “ has or
has not,” as one of its results, “ promoted the general
piospeiity of the people ’’ of Biitish India , or is, or is
not, the result of this administiation and management
of expenditmo “ scanty subsistence ” for the mass of
the people as admitted by Loid Lawiance, and " ex-
treme poverty ” as stated by Lord Ciomer. Sii Auckland
Colvin, and Sir David Baiboui among the latest Einanoe
Mimsteis — a poverty compared with which even the
most oppressed and misgoverned^ Eussia is piosperity
itself, the income of which is given by Mulhall as
above £9 per head pei annum, which Lord Cromer
gives the income of British India as “ not more than
Es. 27 per head per annum,” and I calculate as not

ADiriNIb'rR\TION OP INDIAN DAl'ENDITURE 311

more than Es. 20 pei head per annum Even thia
wi etched income, insuflicient as it is, is not all enjoyed
by the people, but a poition nevei letums to them,
theieby continuously though giadually diminishing
their individual capacity foi pioduction Suiely, theie
cannot be a moie impoitant issue botoie the Com-
mission as to the lesnlt-. of the administiation and
management of expendituie, as much oi even moie foi
the sake of Biitain itself than loi that of India

Before proceeding fuithei on the subject of these
statistics it IS impoitant to considet the mattei of the
few wants of the Indian in an impoitant aspect Is the
few wants a reason that the people should not prosper,
should not have better human wants and better human
enjoyments ? Is that a reason that they ought not to pro-
duce as much wealth as the British ^le producing here I
Once the Britons were wandering m the forests of this
country, and their wants were few , had they remained so
for ever what would Britain haxe been to day ' Has not
Biitish wealth grown a hundied time'r., as Macaulay has
said And is it not a gieat condomnatiou of the present
Biitish administiation of Indian ospeiidituio that the
people of India cannot make an> wealth — worse than
that, they must die off by millions, and ho underfed by
scores Of millions, produce a wiotclied produce, and of
that even somebody else must deprive them of a
portion 1

The Biitish fust take away then moans, incapaci-
tate them fiom producing more, compel them to reduce
then wants to the wretched moans that no left bo
them, and then turn round upon them and, adding
insult to injury, tell them “ Hea, you have few wants ,
you must remain poor and of few wants Have ybur

312 DVDABEVI NAOBOJI’S WBITINGS

pound of rice — -oi, inoie generously, v,e would allow
you 6 wo pounds of iice — scanty clothing and shelter It
IS we who must have and would base gieafc human
wants and human enjoyments, and you must slave and
diudgefoi us like meie animals, as out beasts of burden ”
Is it that the mass of the Indians have no light oi
business to have any advancement in civilisation, m life
and life’s enjoyments, physical, moial, mental and
social? Must they always live to the brute’s level —
must have no social expenses — is that all extiavagance,.
stupidity, want of intelligence, and what not Is it
seuously held, in the words of Loid Salisbuiy “They
(the Natives of India) know peifectly well that they are
governed by a supeiioi lace” (.Hansard, vol, 277, 9/4/83,
page 1798), and that that supeiioi race should be the
masters, and the Ipdians the slaves and beasts of bur-
den 9 Why the British-Indian authorities and Anglo*
Indians geneially (of course with honourable and wise
exceptions) do every moital thing to disillusion the
Indians at the idea of any supeiioiity by open violation
and dishonour of the most solemn pledges, by subtle
bleeding of the countiy, and by obstiueting at eveiy
point any step desired by the British people for the
welfare of the Indians I do hope, as I do believe, that
both the conscience and the aspiiations of the Biitish
people, their mission and chaige, which rt is often said
Providence has placed m their hands, are to laise the
Indians to their own level of civilisation and prosperity,
and not to degrade themselves to the lowness of Oriental
despotism and the Indians to mere helots

I may here again point out some defects in these
statistics so as to make them as accurate as they can
possibly be made, in supplying the Commission with the

■VDillNISTEWION OP INDIVN E VPENDITtJEE 31S

aecessaiy infoimation It is smpiising that Indian
iughly-paid civilians should not undei stand the simple
cUithmetic of aveiages , and that they should not coirect
the mistake even aftei the Secietaiy of State for India
foiwaided my lettei pointing out the mistake

The mistake is this Supposing the puce of lice in
one distuct is Re 1 poi maund, and in anothei district
Rs I pel maund, then the aveiage is taken by simply
addiny 3 and 1 and dividing by 2, making it to be Es 2
pei maund, forgetting altogathei to take into account
tlie quantities sold at Es .1 and Ee 1 lespectively
Supposing the quantity sold at Re 1 jiei maund is
1,000,000 uiaunds and that sold at Es d is onI> 50,000
inaunds, tlieii the couect avoiago will he —

Maunds Iti l!s

1,000,1100 A 1=1,000,000

50,000 A 3-- 150,000
Total 1,050,000 1,150,000

which Will giveEe 1 l-h pel uiauiid, instead of the m-
coiieot Es 2 jiei maund, as.io made out by simply
adding 1 and ) and dividing by 2

111 my “ Po\eit> of India” I hate given an actual
illustiatioii (s/ipin pp 3-4) The aveiago puce of iice
in tlio Administiation Eepoit ot the Gontial Provinces
foL 18G7-S was made out to he, by the w long method,
Es 2-12-7, while the couect puce was only Rs 1-8
Also the couGct iveiage of pioduce w'as actually
759 lbs per acie, when it w'as lueoiiectly made out to
be 570 lbs pei acio Ceitainly tliare is no excuse for
such aiithnietical mistakes m infoimation leqmied by
Paihament foi tho most important purpose of ascoi taming
the result of the Biitish Administration of the expendi-
ture of a vast country

314 DADABHAI NAOEOJi’S WRITINGS

In the same way aveiages are taken of wages without
consideiing how many earn the diffeient wages of 1:, 2,

3 or moie annas pei dav and foi how many days in the
yoai

In the lush Commission you youiself and the Chair-
man have noticed this fallacy

Wifnrss, Di T W Gkimsham'

Question “JOls (Lord Welbv) Do vou take a mean puoe V
—I take a mean price betw een highest and lowest

3938 (Chairman) An cmthmetual ineaii price without
reterence to the iiuantitips*'— Yea

3937 (Lord Welby) For instance, supposing tor nine
months theie had heen a low price, and the remammg three a
high price, the mean would hardly lepre sent a real mean, would
it ■' —You are correct in a certain sense

Te\de — Totals aia taken of both impoits and
expoits togethei and any inciease in these totals is pointed
out as pi oof of a flouiishmg tiade and inoi easing benefit
when in leality it is no such thing, but quite the reverse
altogethei I shall evplain what I mean

Suppose a moi chant sends out goods to a foreign
country which hate cost him ^2,000 He naturally eK-
pects to get back the 01,000 and some piofit, say 15 per
cent , ?d, he expects to receive back £1,150 Tins will
be all right , and suppose he sends out more, say £2,000
woith, the next yeai and gets back his £2,300, then it is-
leally an incieasing and piofitable trade But suppose a
mei chant sent out goods worth £1,000 and gets hack
£S00 instead of £1,150 or anything above £1,000 , and
again the second year lie sent £2,000 woith and got back
£1,600 To say that such a trade is a nourishing or
profitable trade IS simply absuid To say that because,
the total of the expoits and impoits of the fiist yeai
was £1,800, and the total of the exports and imports in
the second yeai was £3,600, that theiefore it was

a cauo 0 for ie]oicing, when in reality it is simply a
straight way to bankruptcy with a loss of ;G200 the
first yeai, and £400 the second year (leaving alone
profits), and so on Such is the condition of British
India Instead of getting back its exports with some
profit, it does not get back even equal to the exports
themselves, but a great deal loss eveiy year Why
then, it may be asked, does India not go into bankruptcy
as any merchant would inevitably go And the reason
IS very simple The oidinary meichant has no power
to put his hand in other persons’ pockets, and make up his
losses But the despotic Government of India, on the
one hand, goes on inflicting on India uncoasing losses
and drain by its unnatuial administration and manage-
ment of expendituie, and, on the othei hand, has the
power of putting its hands unhindeied into the pockets
of the poor taxpaj ei and make its account square

While the real and principal cause of the suffei-
ings and poverty of India is the deprivation and diam
of its resources by foreignois by the present system
of expendituie, the Anglo-Indians generally, instead
of manfully looking this e\il in the face, ignore it
and endeavour to find all sorts of othei e''cuse8 It is
leiy necessary that the Commission should have the
opportunity of faiily consideiing those excuses Now,
one way I can deal with them would be for myself to
lay them down as I understand them , or, which is far
better, I should deal with them as they aie actually put
foith by some high Anglo-Indian official As I am in a
position to do so, I adopt the second course A high
official of the position of an 13 ndei -Secretary of State
for India and Governor of Madras, Sir Grant Duff, has
already focussed all the oflicnl reasons in two papers ho

316 DADABHAI NAOROJI’S -WEITINGS

confcribufced to the Gontcniporary Review, and I have
answeied them in the shvee Review in 1S87 I cannot
thei afore do better than to embody my leply heie,
omitting fiom it all peisoual lemaiks or otbeia nrale-
vant to the piosent purpose In connexion with my
reply, I may eiplain here that it is because I have taken
in it -61 =" Ila 10 that the incidence of taxation is set
down as 6i pei head pei annum, while Sir H Fowlai’s
estimate only 2s Qd pel head at the present dopiessed
exchange and excluding land- re venue Sii H Fowler’s
excludes land revenue from the incidence as if land
levenue. by being called “ lent,” lained from heaven, and
was not laised as much from the pioduction of the
countiy as any othei pait of the levenue The fact of
the mattei is that in Biitish India as m every othei
countiy, a ceitam portion of the production of the
countiy IS taken by the State, under a variety of names
— land tax or rent, salt revenue, excise, opium, stamps,
customs, assessed taxes, post olhee surplus, law and
justice surplus, etc , etc In some shape or other so
much IS taken tiom the production, and which forms the
incidence of taxation The evil which India suffers from
is not in what is raised oi taken from the “ production ”
and what India, under natural administration, would be
able to give two oi three times <jivei, but it is in the
manner m which that revenue lo spent under the piesent
unnatural administiation and management of expendituie
whereby there is an unceasing ‘bleeding” of the country
My reply to Su Giant Duff was made in 1887 This
bungs some of the figures to a later date than my cor-
respondence with the Secietaiy of State for India
Single-handed I have not the time to work out figures
to date, but I shall add after wards some figures which I

ADMINISTBATION OP INDIAN EAPENDITUBli 317

liave alieady woiiied out foi latei than 1887 I give
below my leply to Su Giant Duff as I have alieady
indicated above

All the hubjeotb tieated in the following extiacts aie
the dnect cousequoiices of the present system of ‘'the
administration and management of expenditure in both

oountues ” It is fiom this point of view that I gno
these extracts (See my loplji, in August and Novembei.
1887, to Sii Giant Dull, sapid, pp 231-272)

1 give below some of the latest figuies I alieady
have to compaie tlie losults ot the adnunistiation of ev
pendituie in India with those of other paite of the
British Empire

Ton Yj- (is83-LS93)

Imports (in- Jvvpoits (in- Excess of I’cr-
( hiding Gold iludiiig Gold Imports over icnt-
Cuuntrits andSlivii) and Sihei ) Exports ago ot
Trade

i i £ Profits

United Kiiig-
doni

(Par Ret [C
7,14d] Iba) )

Aiistr il isi.t Ii4,l,4.t)3,d7'>
Nortli Aiiioric tn
Coluni s Jo4,9l>3,47d

iStraits f3ut-

tleiiu'iits Ii)4,()]"5,t)l i

(Pdi Ret[C
7, 144] 1893 )

a, .03,603.140

105,063,294
IH 781,667

1,044,351.001 32

61,197 340 10 5*

49,900,179 2 4 4

22,831,976 U 5

• Australasia is a largo gold and silver exporting eountrv
Profits on this are a verv small pereontago The prolits on
other prod nee or inorcliaiidisp will In I irger than 10 3 per cent ,
and it should also be borne in mind tbat'Aiistralasia, hko India
IS a borrowing country, and a poi tiun ot its exports, like that of
India, goes for the pa\ mmit ot inteiest on foreign loans Still,
It not onlj pass ill th.it interest Irom the profits ot trade*, but
secures for itself also a balance ot 10 5 per cent profits, while
India must not only lose ill its profits of trade but also Rx
170,000,000 01 Its o\v n produi e Were India not “ bleeding ”
politically it would also be in a similar condition of paying foi its
loaus and sec uring something lor itself out of the trade profits

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS

Gate op Good Hope and Natal I cannot give
figuies as the gold biought into the Colonies fiom Trans-
vaal IS not included in the impoits , while exports include
gold and silvei

Natal In tins also goods m tiansit are not in-
cluded in impoits, although included in exports

British India Fai fiom any excess of imports
01 tiade profits, theie is, as will be seen fuither on
actually a large deficit in impoits (Ex 774,099,570) fiom
the actual exports (E\ 944,279,318) Deficit from its

own pioduce (Ex 170,179,748) — 18 per cent

India

Particulars of the Trade of India and the losses of
the Indian people of British India , or. The Drain
TEN Ye ars (1880-1892) (Retuin [C 7,193,] 1893 )

India s total Exports,
including Treasure

Rx 944,279,318

„ 188,855,863 Add as m othei countries, sav 20 per cent

excess of imports or profits (U K is 32

pel cent )

Rx 1,133,133 181 or the amount which the imports should
be But

„ 774,099,570 only aie the actual imports

Rx 359,035,611 is the loss of India for which it has not
recened back a single farthing either
lu Merchandise or treasure

Now, the question is what has become of this
Ex 359,000,000 which India ought to have received
but has not leoeived

This amount includes the payment of interest on
1 ailway and other public works loans.

Owing to oui impoverishment, our utter helpless-
ness, subjection to a despotism without any voice in the

ADMINISTEATIO^^ OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE 319

administration of our expenditure, our inability to males
any capital, and therafoie, forced to submit to be exploit-
ad by foreign capital, eveiy farthing of the above amount
IS a loss and a diain to Biitish India We have no choice ,
the whole position is compulaoiy upon us It is no
simple mattei of business to us It is all simply the
result of the despotic admmistiation of expendituie of
our lesouices

Still, howevei, let us considei those loans as a
mattei of liusmess, and seo what deduction we should
make from the abo\e amount

The loans for public woiks during the ten yeaio
(Par Hot [c 7193] 1893, p 298) are — Rx 34,350,000
(This IS taken as Rs 10 = £1 — p 130), or £34,350,000
This amount is leceived by India, and foims a pait of
its imports

The interest p,iid duiing the ten jeais in England
IS £57,700,000 This amount, being paid by India,
foims a pait of its exports The account, then, will
stand thus —

India received or imported as lo.rns £34,350,000
in the ten joais India paid or exported as interest
£57,700,000, leaving an excess of exports as a business
balance £23,350,000, Ol, say, at average K 4d per rupee
Rx 37,360,000

This export made by India in settlement of pubhc
works loans interest account may be deducted from the
above unaccounted amount of Rx 359,000,000, leaving
a balance of E\ 321,610,000 still unieceived by India

The next item to he considei ed is public debt
(other than toi pubhc works) This debt is not a busi-
ness debt in any possible way It is simply the^politi-
cal burden put upon India by force for the very acquisi-

330 JJA.UV13HVI NAOBOJi’b WBITINGS.

tion und maiutenanca of the Hiitish Rule It is entirely
owing to the evil adminibtiation of expenditure in put-
ting eveiy huiden on India Make an allowance foi
even this foiced tiibute

The public debt of India (excluding public works)
incuiied during the tan yeais is 616,000,000, (p 298),
of which, say, ±3,000,000 has inteiest to be paid in
London (I do not know how much is laised m India
and how much m England I think 1 asked the India
Office foi this, but it IS difficult to get definite infoima-
tion fiom it) The infceiesb paid in London duiing the
ten yeaifa is €28,000,000 This ioims p<ub of the exports
of India The £8,000,000 of the debt incuuod duiing
the ten yeais foim pait of the imports of India, leaving
a balance of, say, £21,000,000 On public debt account
to be fuithei deducted from the last balance of unaocount-
ed loss of Rx 321,010, OO'O, taking, £21,000,000, at Is 4fZ
pel lupee will give about Rv 33,000,000, which, deduct-
ed fiom Es 321,640,000, will still leave the unaccount-
ed loss 01 diam of Rx 288,000,000 I lepeat that as far
as the economic eftect on India of the despotic adminis-
tration and management of expenditure under the
British Rule is concerned, the whole smount of Rx
339,000,000 i-- a diam from the wietchod lesouroas of
India

But to avoid contiONorsy, allowing for all public
debt (political and commercial), tbeio is still a clear loss
01 dram of Rx 288,000,000 m ten yens, with a debt of
£210,000,000 hanging round her neck besides

Rx 2rf8.(X)0,000 is made up of Rx. 170,000,000
from the very blood or produce of the country itself,
and Rx 118,000,000 from the profits of trade

It must be also romerabeied that freight, insurance.

ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE 321

and other ohaitjes after shipment aie not calculated in
the expoits fiom India, eveiy taitbing of which is taken
by England When these items aie added to the expoits
the actual Ipss to Butish India will be much larger than
the above calculations I may also explain that the item
of stores, is accounted for in the abo\e calculations
The expoits include pajment for these stoies, and im-
ports include the stores The whole of the above loss
and burden of debt has to be home by only the Indian
taxpayers of Bnti'.h l7iiha The Native States and
then capitalists, hankeis, merchants, or manufacturers
and the European capitalists, merchants bankers, or
manufacturers get back their full profits

la the abose calculation I have taken 20 per cent
as what ought to be the excess of itnpoits under natural
circumstances, lust as the excess of the United Kingdom
IS 32 pei cent Eut suppose I take e\en lo per cent
instead of 20 pei cent , then the excess of imports
would be, say, Ex 311,000,000 instead of nearly'
Ex 359,000,000 From this Ex 311,000,000, deduct,
as above, Ex 37,000,000 for public woiks account and
Ex 33,000,000 for political public debt account, their
will still be a loss oi diain of Ev 241,000,000 in ten
years

Strictly considered in India’s helpless condition,
there has been a diain of its wealth to the extent of
Ex 360,000,000 m the ten years

But, as I have said, to avoid all futile confrorersy,
after allowing fully tor all debt, there is still a drain of
Ex 241,000,000 or Ex 24,000,000 a year duimg the ten
years

But it must be also remembered that besides the
whole of the above dram, either Ex 359,000,000, or

3-22 DA.DABHAI NAURUJi’S WRll’INGS

Ex. 241,000,000, theie is also the turthei loss of all that
IS consumed m India itself by foieigneis so far, to the
deprivation and exclusion of the childien of British
India

Now, let it ho once moie undeistood that there can
be no ob 36 ction to any capitalist, oi. bankei, oi mei chant,
01 manufacture! going to India on his own account and
making any piohts there, if wc me aho left free to do
our best in fan competition, but as long as we aie im-
poverished and made utterly helpless in oui economic
condition hy the forced and unnatural piesent system of
the admimstiation and management of expenditure, the
whole profits of foreigners (European or Indian) is
Biitish India’s iriepaiahle loss

The moral, therefore, of this phenomenon is that
Sii John Shore’s prediction of 1787, about the evil effect
of foreign domination by the adoption of the present
system of the admmistiation and management of ex-
penditure, IS amply and deplorably fulfilled Truly has
Macaulay said “ The heaviest of all yokes is the yoke
of the stranger ” It cannot be otherwise under the
existing administration and management of expenditure.
What an enormous sum, almost beyond calculation,
would British India’s loss amount to in the present cen-
tury (leaving alone the last centmy of unparalleled cor-
ruption, plunder, and oppiession by Europeans) when
calculated with compound interest > A tremendously
" cruel and crushing” and destructive tribute indeed 1

With regard to the allegation that the fall in ex-
change has stimulated exports from India, here are a
few figures which tell their own tale

Exports m 1870-1
” 1890-1.

Rx 64,690,000
Rx 103,340,000

AUillNISTRATION OP INDIAN JiXPBNDiTUEB ^23

oi au increase of about 60 per cent This ib the inoiease
m the 20 years of the fall of exchange

Now take 1850 exports £18,700,000

„ „ 1S70 „ £64,690,000

1 e , an inciease of neaily 34 times Was this incieasa
owing to fall in Exchange ' There was then no such
fall m Exchange And what good was this inciease to
India ? As shown above, in ten i ears only she has been
drained to the extent indicated, besides what is eaten in
the countiy by those who aie not hei children The
inciease m tiade, excepting that of Native and Fioiitiei
States, IS not natuial and economic foi the b^efit of
the people of Brittih India It is mostly only the toim
in which the increasing crushing tubule and the tiade-
profits and wants of foioigneis aie piovided by the poor
people of Butish India, the ma&ses of whom live on
scanty subsistence, and aie ill-fed, ill clothed, and ill-
habited hewers of wood and iliawers of water foi them
But theie is another most important consideration
still remaining

While Butish India is thus ciushed bv a heavy*
tribute which is exacted by the upper classes and which
must end in disastei, do the British industrial people, or
the 'great mass, deme such benefit as they ought to
derive, with far greater benefit to England itself, besides
benehttiug India ’

Here is this wretched result so fai as the producers
of British and Irish produce are concerned, or the
British trade with India is concerned

In 1893, all British and lush produce exported to
all India is only £28,800,000 tor a population of
285,000,000 or 2s per head per annum. But a large
portion of this goes to the Native States and fron-

324

DA.DABHVI NVOROflS \rRITING^S

tiei teiiitoiies Biitish Tncliin suli|8ctis tbemselve'j
(221,000,000) will be found to take haidlv a shilling or
fifteen pence worth pei head pet annum And this is
all that the Biitish people export to Butisli India. If
Biitish India weie moie iighteously tieated and allowed
to piospet, Biiti&h pioduce will be e’jpoited to Biitish
India as much or a gieat deal mote than what the
British people are expoiting to the whole world A
word to out Lancashire friends If they would open
their eyes to their true interests, and give up squabbling
about these wretched cotton duties, they would see that
a market of 230,000,000 people of British India, besides
the 04,000,000 of the Native States, will require and
take (if you take your hand off then throat), more than
Lancashire will be able to supply Look at the wretched
Lancashire trade with the poverty-stricken British
Indians —

In 1891-3 India imported jam £2,683.810 1
Manufactures £33,943,013 J "

fOL a population of 285,000,000, or about Is 9rZ per head
per annum But if you deduct Native States and Fron-
tier States, it will possibly be Is per head foi Biitish
India Why should it not he even bl or more per head
if Biitish India be not bled ” And Lancashne may
have £250,000,000 or more of trade instead of the
wretched £25,000,000 Will Lancashne evei open its
eyes and help both itself and India to be piospeious
Argument op Population
Increase from 1881 to 1891 —

Increase Per

„ Squaie Mile

England and Wales . 11 6 par cent 500

British India 9 7 „ 23 q

In 1801, the population of England and Wales

ADMINISTRATION 01’ INDIAN EAPBNDITURB, 325

(Mulhall’s Dictionary, p 4.44) was 8,893,000, say

9.000. 000

In 1884, tbe population was 27,000,000 (Bail Eefe
Ic 7, 143], 1893), 01 thiee timos as much as in 1801
The income of Bnglantl and Wales fMuI , p 320) in
1300 was £230,000,000

In 1884, while the population incieasecl to

27.000. 000 or thiee times that of 1801, the income in-
cieased to £976,000,000 (Mul , p 321). or nearly
times that of 1810

The population of Englanrl and Wales (Mul , p 444)
m J672, was 5,500,000. The income in 1664 (Mul , p
120) was £42,000,000

In 1884, (Mul, p 321), population 27,000,000,
increased five times income £976,000,000, increased
more than twenty-thiee times

In compaiison with eaihei times Macaulay said
^Sitpra, p 269) “While oui numbeis ha%e increased
tenfold, our wealth has lucioased hundiedfold ”

These facts do not show that moiease of population
has made England pooiei On the contraij, Macaulaj
tiuly says “ that the advantages arising fiom the pi ogress
of civilisation have far more than counteibalanced the
disadvantages arising from the progress of population "
Why, then, under the admmistiation of the “ gieat-
ost ’’ and most highly-paid soiviee in the woild, deiived
f rom the same stock as the admimsti atois of this counti y,
and, as Mr Bright says, “ whose praises aie so constant-
ly sounded m this House,” is India, after a long
period at present the most “ extremely poor” country
in the world ’ And yet how can the result he otherwise
under the existing admmistiation and management of
expenditure, based upon the evil principle that “ India

326 DADABHAI NAOROII’S WRITINGS

must bo bled ’ ’’ The fault ib not of tho officials. It ih
the evil and outiageous system of expendituie, which
cannot but produce such pernicious and deplorable
results, which, if not remedied m time, must inevitably
bring about a letribution the extent and disaster of which
can hardly be conceived Officials over and over again tell
us that the lebouices of India aie boundless. All the
resouices of civilisation have been at their command, and
here is this wi etched and ignominious lesult — that while
England has gone on mcieasing in wealth at a graatei
progiess than in population, India at this moment is fai
pooler than even the misgoveined and oppiessedEussia,
and pooiei oven than Turkey in its annual pioduotion,
as Loid Oiomer pointed out in 1882

I think I need not say anything moie upon the first
part of our Eeforence If I am required to be oross-
esamined on the representations which I have submit-
ted, I shall then say whatevei moie may ho necessary
lor me to say

I have shown, by high authorities and by facts and
figures, one result of the existing system of “ The admi-
nistration and management of the Military and Cml
Expenditure incuned under tho authority of the Secre-
tary of State for India in Council, or of tlie Government
of India ” — ivo , the most deplorable evil of the extreme
poverty of the mass of the people of British India — suici-
dal and dishonourable to British name and rule, and
destructive and degrading to tho people of British India,
with a “ helot system ” of administration instead of that
of British citizenship

The following remarks in a leader of the Timts of
16th December, 1895, in connection with the Transvaal,
is, short of compulsory service, applicable with ten times

ADMINISTRATION OP INDI VN rtPENDITOEB 327

more foice to the Biitisli Buie of British India The
Timas says —

“ The time is. past even m South Africa ^^hen a helot system
* of administration organised for the exclusive advantage of a
privileged minority can long resist the foice of enlightened
public opinion It President Kiugerieally possesses any of
those statesmanlike qualities which are sometiines ascribed to
him, he will hasten to accept the loyal oo-operation of these
Omttandies, wlio have already done so much and who are
.inxious to do more for the prosperity and piogress of the
South African Republic ”

I would apply fcliia to Biitish India The time is
past m Butwh India whan a “ helot system of adminis-
tration," organised for the exclusive advantage of a
piivileged minoiity, and existing to*thegieat dislionout of
the Biitish name for a contuiy and a half, can long
resist the foice of enlightened public opinion, and the
dissatisfaction of the people themselves If the British
statesmen of the present day possess those statesmanlike
qualities which the statesmen of 1831 showed about
India — to “ bo just and feai not,” which the gioat Pro-
clamation of LS3S pioelaimod to the world, and which
Sir H Fowler so lately (3/9/93) described as having
the couiage of keeping our woid” — they will hasten
to accept the loyal co-operation of the people of India,
with whose blood mainly, and with whose mopey entire-
ly, has the British Indian Empiie been both built up
and maintained , fiom whom Biitain has drawn thou-
sands of millions, oi untold wealth calculated with in-
terest , who for Eiitish righteousness w'ould letmn the
most dovoted and patriotic loyalty foi than own sake,
and whose prosperity and piogiess, as Loid Eoborfcs
said, being indissolubly bound up with those of Britain,
would result m laigely inoieasmg the piospeiity of the
British people themselves, in the stability of the British

328

D\r)\IJHAI NAOUOJI'S AVBITINGS

Eule and in the ledemption of the honour and good name
of Britain fiom the dishonour of many broken pledges
The deplorable evil result of the piesent “ administration
aid management of evpendituio,” in violation of solemn
pledges, IS so subtle, so artistic, so unobseivably “ bleed-
ing,” to use Lotd Salisbury’s r\ord, so plausibly masked
with the face of beneficence, and being unaccompanied
with any open compulsion or violence to person or pio-
peity which the world can see and be horrified with,
that, as the poet says —

“Those loftv souls have telescopic eyes,

That see the smallest speck of distant pam.

While at their foot a world of agonv,

Unseon, unheard, unheeded, writhes m vam ”

—(heat Thoughts 31/8/95.

Eton a papei like the Piuncet of Allahabad (21/9/95)
which cannot he accused of being opposed to Anglo-
Indian views, lecogmses that India “ has also peihaps to
undergo the often subtle disadvantages of foreign rule ”
Yes, it IS those, “ sichtlo disad\ antages of foieign rule ”
which need to lie grappled with and lemoved, if the
connection between India and England is to be a blessing
to both, instead of a curse This is the great and noble
task for our Coiumission Eoi, indeed, it would be wise
to ponder whether and how far Lord Salisbury’s — a
statesman’s — words at the last Lord Mayor’s dinner,
apply to British India He said —

“ That above all treaties and above all combinations of av-
ternal powers ‘ the nature of things ' if you please, or ‘ the
providence of God ' if you please to put it so, has determined
that persistent and constant misgovernment must lead the
Government which follows it to its doom , and while I readily
admit that it is quite possible tor the Sultan of Turkey, if he
will, to govern all his suhiects in justice and in peace, he is not
c*j.empt, more than any other potentate from the law that In-
justice will bring the highest on earth to rum ’’

The adminisbration of expenditure should be based

ADMINISTRATION OP INDIAN BNPENDITDEE 329

on this piinciple, as Sir Louis Mallet (c 3086 — l) 1881,
p 142, has said —

“ If India IS bo be maintained and rendered a
permanent portion of the Biitish Empiie, this must be
accomplished in some othei way than by placing our
tutiue reliance on the empuical aits of despotism " and
not on those low motives of making India as simply an
exploiting giouud foi oui "boys” as Sii C Crosstb-
waite desiied when he bad tbe candoiii of expiessing
the motive of Biitisli action when speaking about Siam
at the Society of Aits(iol 39 — 19 2 92 — p 280) All
that gentleman cared for was this “The leal question
was who was to get tbe trade with them and how we
could make the most of them, so as to had fiesh mat-
Lets foi oui goods and (dso foi those supci-

iImohs uitirk’s Ilf llii> pic'^ent dait, mn Jny-, ” ftha italics
aie mine), as if the whole woild was cieated simply foi
supplying mail ets to tbe one people and employment
to then liojs 8till, liowevei, you can bare ton times
inoie trade than you have at piesout with India, far
moie than you have at present with the whole world, if
you act on lines of iighteoiisness, and east off tbe second
mean motue to en-jLive othoi people to guo employment
to your " l)oys,’’ which certainly is not the motive of the
British people The short of the wdiole mattoi is, that
under the present evil and iinriglitaous administration of
Indian expenditure, the romance is the benofaeence of
the Butish Eule, the ie<ility is the " bleeding ” of the
British Eule Under a iightoous " administration of ex-
peuditme," the leality will be the blessing and benefit
both to Britain and India, and fai more trade between
them than we can form any conception of at piesent
Yours tiuly,

Dvdaehm Naoboji.

Ill

THE APPORTIONMENT OF CHARGE
BETWEEN THE GOVERNMENTS OF
THE UNITED KINGDOM AND OF
INDIA/'

Deae Loed Wele\, — I now request your favour
of laying before the Commission thi^i letter of m\
views on the seeonil pait of the Eefeienoe, vi^ , “The
apportionment of charge between the rrovernments of
the United Ivingdom and of India for purposes m ivluch
)joth are interested ”

The woid England, or Britain, is always used bj
lue as embracing the United Kingdom

I do not know w'hethoi there is any poitioh of the
Indian charge (either in this country or in India) in
which Britain is not interested The one chief obieot
of the whole expenditure of Government is to govern
India in a way to secuie internal law and order and
external protection Now, in both internal law and
order and external protection, the interests of Britain
are great or rather greater than those of India
That India is piotected from lawlessness and disorder is
unquestipnably a great boon and benefit to it But
ordeily or disorderly India shall alwa\s remain and
exist where it is, and will shape its own destiny somehpw,
well or badly. But without law and order British Eule
will not be able to keep its existence in India. British
Eule in India is not even like Eussian Eule in Eussia
* Submitted to the Welby Commission on 15th Eabruarv,

1S9G

APPOETIONMENT BETW1?EN ENGLAND AND INDIA 331

However bad aud oppressive the lattei may be, whatever
1 evolution or Nihilism there may oecm, whatevei civil
wars 01 secret disastois may take place, the Eussians and
then Buleis remain all the same in Eu&sia, only that
power changes fiom one hand into anothei, oi from one
foim into anothei Only a few days ago (iSth January,
1396) the Eussian Tsai, styling himself ‘‘ Empeier and
\utociat of all the Eussias, ” issued a Manifesto foi his
Coronation as follows —

“ Bv the grace of God wc, Nicholas II, Eraporor and Auto-
ciat of all the Russias, etc , make known to all our faithful
subjects that, with the help of the Almightv, we have resolved
to place upon ourselves the Crown, in May next, m the An-
I lent Capital of Mos'-ow , after the example of the pious
Monarchs our foiefathers, ind to receive the Hol\ Sacrament
according to established ns ige , uniting with ns in this Act our
most beloved consort the Empress Alexaridia Feodoiovua

“ We call upon all our loyal subjects on the forthcoming
solemn day of Coronation to share in our jo> and to join ns in
offering up fervent prujers to the Gi\er of all good that He max
jiour out upon us tbegiftof the Holy 'sjnrit, that He may streng-
then our Empire, and direct us to the footsteps of our parent
ot imperishable memorj, xvliose lite and labours tor the welfare
ol our beloved fatlierlund will alwajs remain a bught e ample
“ Given at St Petersburg, this first day ot Tanuary in the
j car of Our Lord 189b, and the second year of our reign
“Nicholas '

— The imic', 20th January, 189b

Now, blood IS thickei than water Notwithstanding
all the autocratic oppression that the Eussian people
may have suffeied foi all past time, evoiy soul will rise
to the call, and lejoice m the joy of the occasion And,
whether the present system of government and power
onduies or vanishes, the Eussian Buie — whatevei form
it takes — will always he Eussian, and foi the Eussians
Take England itself It beheaded one kmg, ban-
ished another, turned out its Pailiament at the point of
the bayonet, had civil wais of various duiations, and
disasters. Whatever was the change, it was English Eule

382 D\DABH\.I NAOKOJl’g ViBITINGS

for Englishmen But the Biitish m India is quite a
diSeient thing They aie aliens, and any disaster to
them theie has entirely a different lesult In the veiy
first papei that was lead before the East India Associa-
tion of London (2/5/1867) I said —

“ No propliet is required to foretell the ultimate result of a
struggle between a discontented tuo hundred inilhons and a
hundred thousand foreign bayonets A drop of water is in igni-
ficant, but an avalanche mav sometimes carry everything before
It The race is not always to the swift A disaffected nation
may fail a hundred times, and may rise again , but one or two
Te\ erses to a toreigiier cannot but ha fatal Every failure of the
Natives, adding more burdens, will make them the more ini-
pat-ient to throw oft the foieign yoke "

Can the British Soveieign call upon the Indians as
she can call upon the Biitish people, or as the Enssian
Tsai can call upon the Eussians, to share in her joy ’ Yes,
on one condition The people of India must feel that
though the English Soieieign and people are not kindred
in biith and blood, they are kindled in sympathetic
bpmt, and just in dealing , that, though they aie the
step-mother, they tieat the step childieu with all the
affection of a mothei — that the Butish Eule is their own
rule The affection of the Indian people is the only
solid foundation upon which an alien lule can stand
firm and duiablo, oi it may some day vanish like a
dream.

To Biitam all the law and older is the very breath
of its nostiils m India With law and order alone can
it live m India. Let theie arise disorder and violence
tomorrow, and what will become of the small number of
Europeans, official and non-olficial, without even any
direct battles oi military struggle ’

If a thoroughly intelligent view of the position of Bri-
tain m India is taken the inteiests of Britain are equally
vital, if not far moie vital, m the maintenance of good and

\PPORTIONMENT BETWEEW ENGLVND AND INDIA ‘333

satisfactoiy government, and of law and older, than those
of India , and, m a just view, all the charge or cost in
both countiies of such good government and law and
oidei in India should he appoitioned between the two
countries, accoiding to the importance of respective
inteiests and to the piopoition of the means oi capa-
city of each paitner m the benefit

Ceitainly, no fan and just-mindod Englishman would
say that Biitam should hare all the gam, glory and eveiy
possible benefit of wealth, wisdom, and woiK of a mighty
EmpiiOi and the price or cost of it should be all bur-
dened on the shoulders of India

The collect judgment upon oui second part of the
lefeience will depend upon the fundamental piinciple
upon which the British Aclministiation ought to stand
1 Is Biitish Eulo foi the good of both India and
Biitain, and a lule of justice and iighteoijsness ’ or.

Is the BiitishEule soleh foi the benefit of Britain
at the destiuotion of India — oi, in othei woids, the oidi-
naiy lule of foieign despotism, "the heaviest of all yokes,
the iokoot the stiangei ” (ilacaulay) ''

The fiibt 15 the as owed and delilierate desiie and
solemn pi omise and pledge of the Biitish people The
second is tlie peifoimance by the seivants of the
British nation — the Indian authoiities — m the system
of the aclministiation adopted and identlessly pursued
by them

The piesent Biitish -Indian s\ stem of aclministiation
would not take long to degeneiate and lun into the Eus-
sian system aucl tiouhles, but foi the check and diag of
the Biitish public wish, opinion, and voice

Now, my whole aigumont in this lepiesentation
will be based on the hist principle— 1 1. , the good of both

,3i D\DABn\I N-VOROJl’S WRITINGS

ndia and England and inslice and lighfeeousnass I
ould, fcheiefore, dispose of the second in a brief mannoi
-that the second (England’s benefit and India’s desti ne-
on) IS not the desire of the Biitish people

It has been the faith of my life, and it is my faith
ill, that the Biitish people will do lustice to India
But, howevoi, as unfortunately the system based on
le second piinciple — the system which Loid Salisbury
as desoiibed as ot “bleeding” and “ hypocrisy ” —
lists, it IS desirable to remember the wise words of
ord Salisbury himselfi uttered not long ago when he
ird (Lord Mayor’s dinner on 9th November last)

‘ The nature of things ’ if you please, or ‘ the piovidence
’ God ’ if you please to put it so, has determined that
eisistent and constant misgovernment must lead the
iseinment which follows it to its doom . that
i]UBtice will bring the highest on earth to rum.” The
Uke of Deronshiie has pointed out that the result of
le present system would be to make the Indians to
ime to the conclusion that the Indians shall 'never
ave any chance “ O'lcept by their getting iid m the
rsb instance of their European rulers ”

The question is, do the British people desire such a
vstem, to exercise only the right of brute force for
aeir sole benefit ? I for one and I can say .without
ny hesitation that all the educated and thinking
ndians do not belrevo so It is their deep faith and
ouviction that the conscience of the Biitisii people
owaids India is sound, and that if they once fully
nderstood the true position they would swdep away
he whole piesent uniighteous system The veiy fact-
hat this Commission is appointed for the fiist time for
uch a purpose, tuc , to deal out fairly between the two

APPORTIONMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND INDIA 335

countries an “apportionment of charge foi pnipose;3
lu which both aie interested ” is sufficient 'to show
the awakening consciousness and desiie to do justice
and to shaie faiily the costs as well as the bene-
lits If fuithei public indication was at all needed the
Pimcs, as I have quoted in my hrst repiosentation, has
put it veiy clearly “ Gieat Biitain is an\ious to deal
lairly with India It it should appear that India has
been saddled with chaiges w'hieh the Biitish taxpayer
should have homo the Biitish taxpayei will not hesitate
to do his duty ’’ 1 would not, theietoie, put sue any
fuitbor the assumption of the second piinciple of selfish-
ness and despotism, but continue to base my lemarks
upon the basis of the hist principle of the desiie and
determination of the British people foi justice and
iighteousness towaids India

I have stated aboxo that the whole cost of adtninis-
tiation IS vital to the xeiy existence of the Butish Rule
m India, apd laigely essential to the piospeiity of the
ihifcish people. Loid Eobeits, w’lth othei thoughtful
statesmen, has coiioctli stated the tiue i elation of the
tsvo couutiies nioio than once Addicssing the London
Chamber of Coinineico ho said “ I lejoice to learn that
^ou recognise how indissolubly the piospeiity of the
United Kingdom is bound up with the letention of that
% ast Eastern Empiie ’’ (T mes 25/5/93 ) And again, at
Glasgow, he said “that the retention of oui Eastern
Empire is essential to the gieatness and piospeiity of
the United Kingdom” (Times, 29 '7/93) And fuither
lie also cleaily points out upon what such an essential
letention ultiiuateh depends Does it depend upon
tyianny, injustice, iileeding, hypociisy, “ plundeuug,"
upon imposing the lolations of mastei and slave upon

336 DADAIJHAI NAOEOJI’S WBITINGS.

larj'e, well equipped and efficient aimies , on the unreli-
ible piops ot biute foice ? No 1 He says, “ But howevei
afficieut and well equipped the aiiny of India may be,
weie it indeed absolute peifection, and weia its numbers
lonsideiably moia than they aie at present, our greatest
Jtiongth must evei lest on the fum base of a united and
contended India ” Su William Haicourt said m his
ipeech (House of Commons, 3/9/95), “As long as you
have the people of India youi fiiends, satisfied with the
lustice and policy of yom lule, your Bmpiie will be
safe ”

Professoi Woidswoith has said {Bombay Gazette,
3/3/83) ‘‘ One of the gioatest Enghshmen of the last

geneiation said that if evei we lost oui Indian Empire
we should lose it like eveiy other we had lost, or were
about to lose, by' alienating the affections of the
people ’’

Am I not then justified in asking that it is right
and just, m oidei to acquiie and pieseive the aifeo-
tions of the people, that the cost of that administration
which IS essential to your “ gieatness ” and your “ pros-
perity," by which youi prospeiity is indissolubly bound
up with that of India, and upon the secureness and law
and ordei of which depends youi veiy e'^istence m India
and as a gieat Empiie, should be faiily shaied by the
United Kingdom

Leaving this fan claim to the calm and fail
consideiation of this Commission and to the sense of
justice of the British people, I take a less stiict view of
the duty of England It is said that India should make
all such payments as ^he would make for her govern-
ment and her internal and e-?teinal protection even if
there weie no British Kule and only its own Native Eule

apportionment EETOEEN ENGIjAND ANU INDIA 337

Now, suppose tins is admitted, what is the position'''
Gertainly in that ease thoie will be no employment
of Europeans The present foioed, inordinate, and
aibitraiy emplo\m6nt of Europeans in both the civil and
military sei vices in both countiies is avowedly, entirely
and solelj owing to British Eule and/o/ linti'ih purposes
find JBiitisk inteicsls — to maintain Biitish supiemacy If
there weie no British Eule there would be no Einopenns
employed by the Natives rulois India actouhngh may
pay foi eveij Indian employed, but lustico demands
that the evpendikue on Europeans in both countiies
lequired foi the sole interests of Biitish Eule and foi
Biitish purposes should be paid bj the Biitish exchequei
I am not going to discuss heie whetbei even British Eule
itself needs all the piesent civil and mihtarj European
agency On the coiitiai v , the civil element is their great-
est weakness, and will be swept away in the time of
tioublefiom discontent and disafiection , and the military
element, without lieing either eflicient oi suflioient in
such crises, is simply destructive to India, and leading
to the veiv disaster which is intended to be averted or
prevented by it Bo this as it may, this much is clear
that the whole European agencj . both civil and militaiv,
m England and in India, is distinctly avowed and ad-
mitted to be for the interests of England, ic , to protect
rnd maintain her supiem.acy m India against internal or
external dangers Lord Kimbeily has put this matter be-
yond all doubt 01 cOntroveisj , that the Euiopean services
are emphatically for the purpose of maintaining British
supremacy He says (dmnei to Loid Eoborts by the
Lord Major — ■Tunes, 13th June, 1893) —

“ There is one point upon whioU I imagine, whatever may
he our party politics in this country, we are all united , that vve

338

JABH VI NAOBOJi’SoWBITINGS

d,re resolutely determined to mamtam our supremacy over
our Indian Empire That I conceive is a matter about which
V, e liave only one opinion, and let me tell you tliat that supre-
macy rests upon three distinct bases. One of those bases, and
n very important one, is the loyalty and good-will of the
natne Princes and population over whom we rule Next, and
not Jess important, IS the maintenance of our European Civil
fiervice upon which rests the foundation, of our administration
111 India Last, not because it is the least, but

because I wish to give it the greatest prominence, we lest also
upon the magnificent European force which wo maintain m that
country, and the splendid army of Native auxiliaries by which
that force, is supported Let us hrmly and calmly

maintain our position m that country, let us be thoroughly
armed us to our frontier detenoes, and then I belieye we ma>
trust to the old vigour ot the people of this country, come
whit may. to support our supremacy m that great Empire ,

Now, this IS significant while Loid Eimberley
talks .ill these giancl things, of lesolute determination,
etc , etc , to maintain British supiemacy, and for all
Liitish put poses, he does not tell at whose 'cost Is it
at British cost, as it is foi Biitish purposes, oi even
any poition of that cost ’ He has not told the British
public openly that it is foi eveiy farthing at the cost
of the Indians, who are thus tieated as mere slaves —
all the gain, gloiy and Empire “ ours,” and all the
burden foi the Indian helots 1 Then, as I have aheady
said, the second and thud bases — the European civil
and militaiy services — aie illusoiy aie only a burden
and destiuction to India, without being at all a sufSci-
ent security m the time of any internal and external
trouble, and that especially the civil service is suicidal
to the supiemacy, and will be the gieatest weakness
Then it may also be noticed in passing that Lord Kim-
berley gives no indication of the navy having anything
Important to do with, oi make any demand on, India

However, he all this as it may, one thing is made
clear by Lord Kimbeiley, that, as far as Britain is con-

APPOhTIONMBNT BETWEEN ENGL VND AND INDIA 339

ceined, the only motive which actuates hoi in the matter
•of the second and third bases — the European civil and
military sei vices — is her own supremacy, and nothing
else , that there can be no difieience of opinion m
Britain why Euiopean services in both countries aie
forced upon India, vtz„ solely and entirely for British
purposes and British interests, tor “ the resolute deteimi-
uatiou to maintain out supremacy ”

I would be, tlierefoie, asking nothing unieasonalile,
under tlie Reference to this Commission, that what is
entirely for British purposes must in lustico be paid for
by the British people, and the Indian people should not
bo asked to pay anything I, howeroi, still more modify
this positron. Notwithstanding that the Euiopean servi-
ces, in their present extent and constitution, are IndiaV
greatest evil and cause ol all its economic misones and
destruction, and the very badge of the slavery of a
foreign domination andtiianny, that India may consi-
der itself under a leasonable arrangement to he indiiectlj
benefited by a certain extent of European agency, and
that for such reasonable arrangement India may pay
some fair share of the cost of such agency employed in
India. As to all the State charges incuifed m this
country for such agency, it mustj^be remembered that,
in addition to their being entirely for British purposes,
they are all, every farthing, earned by Europeans, and
spent every farthing, in this country It is a charge
forced upon India by sheer tyranny, without any voice
or consent of India No such charge is made upon the
Colonies The Colonies olhee building and establish-
ment IS all a charge upon the British Exchequer All
charges, therefore, incurred in this country for the India
Office and its establishment, and similar ones for State

340 DAD vim 41 NAOROJI’S WRITING?

puL poses, should under any circumstances be paid fiom
the Biitish Exchequei

I shall put, biieflj, this model ately just “ appoition-
ment of chaige ” in this i\ay —

India and England should pay all salaues which
aia tq be paid to then own people, within then own
limits, respectively— / c , England should pay foi liII
Englishmen employed in England, and India should pay
for all Indians employed in India , and as to those of
one country who are employed in the otbei country —
i,p , Englishmen employed in India, and Indians
employed in England — let theie be some fan and
reasonable apportionment between the two countnes —
taking, as much as possible, into eonsideiation their
respective benefits and capacity of means

As to pensions, a leasonable salary being paid during
seivice in India, no pensions need follow so that, when
Europeans retire from India, theie should be no charge
on England for pensions, the employees having made
their own arrangements for then future fiom their
salaries

By this aiiangement India will not only pay all that
it would pay foi a government by itself, supposing the
English were not there, but also a share in the cost in
India for what England legaids as absolutely necessary
for her own pulposo of maintaining hei Empire in
India

I may say a few woids with regard to the navy',
On no ground whatever of justice can India be fairly
charged any shaie foi the navy, except so far as it falls
within the principle stated above, of actual service ir
Indian harbouis

1 The whole navy as it exists, and as it is intended

MTORTinNMKN'i’ RETWREN ENGEVKD A.SD INDIA 341

to be enlaigetl, is e\eiv inch of lii leqnned foi tlio
piofcectioii and safety of this countiy itself — ^even if
Biitain had no Empue — foi its own safety — foi its veiy
e ustence

2 E’eiy fai thing spent on the navy is entirely
earned by Enghsliioen not the slightest shaio goes to
India, in its gam, oi gloiy, oi einplo>inent, oi in any
way

3 In the time of wai between England and any
Eiuopean Poweis, oi the United Statfes, the na\y will
not be able to piotect Biitisb couiireice itself

i Theie is no such thing, oi 'veiy insignificant,
as Indian foieign commeice oi Indians’ iisk in what i=
called Butish Indian foieign commeice The whole of
what IS called Biitish Indian foieign tiacle is entirely
fiist Biilibh iislv and Biitibh capital Every inch of the
shipping 01 ciigo on the seas is Biitish iisk of Biifcish
Ea^t India banks, Biitlbh maiine insurance companies,
and Butish mei chants and ship owneis and manxifac-
tuiers Any peison w'ho has an\ knowledge of how the
whole of what is called British Indian foieign tiade is
earned on will easily nndeibtand what I mean

j No Euiopoan Powoi will go to attack India
from the sea, leismg the Eiitibh iiaiy fiee to pursue it
0 Suppose theic was no English navy to puisne,
Loid Piobeits’ united and contented, and therefoie
patuotic India will gne such an iiieaistihle Indian fotce
at the command of Biitain as to gue a waim lecention
to the lUvadei, and diivo him hack into the sea if he
evei succeeded in landing at all

With regard to the absolute necessity to the United
Kingdom itself foi its nwii safeUj of the whole navy as
it eiists and is intended to he incieased, there is but one

3452 DADABHAI NAOKOJi’s -WHITINGS.

universal opinion, without any distinction of paitiea
It will he easy to quote expiessions fiom every pionii
nent politician It is, in fact, the gieat sub]ect of the daj
foi which theie is peifect unanimity I would coiiteni
myself, howevei, with a few w'oids of the highest
authoiity in the realm undei the Soveiaign, the Pume
Mmistei, and also of the Ghancelloi of the Exchequei
Lord Salisbury said in his Brighton speech —

“But dealing with such money as you possess thei:
the first claim is the naval defence of England I am glac
that you welcome that sentiment Tt is oui business tc

be quite sure ot the safety of this island home of ours whosi
inaccessibility is the souioe of our greatnes,, that no improve-
ment ot foreign fleets, and no cotubraation of foreign alliances
should be able foi a moment to threaten our safety at home
We roust mabe ourselves safe at sea whatevei
happens But after all, safety— safety fiom a foreign

foe — comes hist before every other earthly blessing, and \,e
must take care m our responsibility to the many interests that
depend upon us, in oui responsibility to the generations that
are to succeed us, we must take caie that no neglect ot oius
shall suffer that safety to be compromised "

Su M Hicks-Boach, Uie Ohauoelloi of tlie Exche-
quer, so late as 28th January last (the Times, 29/1/96),
said emphatically and m a fighting mood “ Wo must
be piepaied We must novel lose the supiemaoy of the
sea Other nations bad not got it, and could afifoid to
do without it but supiemaoy of the sea was vital
oui veiy existence ”

With such necessity for England’s own safety, whe-
ther she had India oi not, any buiden to be placed on
India can only be done on the principle of the right of
might ovei oui helplessness, and by tieatiug India as a
halotdom, and not in justice and fairness Yea let
India have complete share in the whole Impeiial system,
including the Government of this countiy, and then
talk of asking hei to contribute to Imperial expenses.

APPORTIONMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND INDIA, 343

Then will be the time to consider any such question as
it IS being considered in lelations with Iieland, which
enpys, short of Home Eule, which is vital to it, free
and full share m the whole Imperial gain and gloiy — •
in the uavv, aimy, and civil services of the Empire
Let all aiiangements exist in India as they eiist heie foi
enbiance into all the Imperial Services heie and else-
wheia, and it will be time and justice to talk of India’s
shaie in Imperial responsibilities Certainly not on
the unrighteous and tyrannical principle of all gam and
gloiy, employment, etc , foi England, and share of cost
on India, without any share in such gain, glory, employ-
ment, etc

As to the liugbeai of Eussian invasion. It India is in
a contented state with England, India will not only give
an account of Russia, but will supply an army, m the
most patiiotic spiiit, laige enough to send Russia back
to St Petersbuig India will then fight for herself m
fighting for Britain In satisfied India Biitain has an
ine'haustible and luesistible stoie of fighting power,
enough and moie to fight Britain’s battles all ovei the
world, as it has bean doing Lord Beaconsfield saw
this and showed it by bunging Indian troogs to Malta
Only pay hojiesihj for what yon take, and not dishon
ourably or tyiaunioally throw burdeng upon India foi
youi own purposes and interests Wtth India Britain
IS great and invincible , without India Britain will be a
small Power Make India feel satisfaction, patnotism,
and prosperity under your supremacy and you may
sleep securely against the world But with discontent-
ed India, whatever her own fate may be — may be sub-
jected by Russia or may repel Russia — England can oi
will have no safe position m India Of couisa, as I

Sli IUD\Bn\I N-^OBOJl’g WRITINGS

ha\a said Lefoie, I am aiguing on the assumption that
justice IS to be dealt out tins Commission to both
conutiies on the basis of the might of light If that la
not to be the case, and light of might is to be the
deciding pimciple, it the eternal moial ioice is not to he
the poweis, but the epliemcial bmte toice is to lie
the piedominant paitnei, then of comse I have no ai-
gument All argument, then, will he idle hieath at
piesont till natine in time, as it always does, \nirlicates
and levenges itself, and uniigbteousness meets with its
doom

Oui Commwsion has a great, holy, and patiiotio
task before it. 1 hope it will peifoim it, and tell the
Biitibh people the lediess that is justly due to India
The veiy fiist and immediate justice that should be done
by England is the abolition of the Exchange Compensa-
tion — which IS neithoi legal noi pay it heiself , in-
asmuch as eveiy faithing paid will be leceived by
English people and in England It is a heaitless, , aibi-
tiaiy, and ciuel exaction fiom the poverty of India,
woise than Shylocky — not only the pound of flesh of
the bond, but also the ounce of blood As to the genet al
question of appoitionment, I have stated the piinciplo
above

Now,‘anoihei important question m connexion with
“apportionment of charge " has to be consideied, m ,
of any expenses iiicmied outside the limits of India
of lSd8

I shall take as an illustration the case of Noith-
West frontier wais Eveiy war, laige oi small, that is
caiiied on beyond the frontieis of 1868 is distinctly and
oleaily mainly foi Britain’s Imperial and European
puiposes It IS solely to keep her own power in India

ArPORTIONiMENT UETOEEN ENGLAND AND INDI\ 3i5

Tf it \'veic not foi the maintenance of hei own powei m
Inlia and hei position in Euiope she would not caie a
stidw whethei the Russians oi any othei powoi invaded
India 01 to ik it The whole oxpendituie n foi Impeiial
and Euiopean puiposes On 11 th Eehiuai\, IbSO, Mi
Eaivcett mo /ad the follouinn Amendment to the Addiess
in leplv to the Queen’s Speech (r/tiui.oiZ lol 25 ,
p 4 0 ) —

“But humbly deiire to evpiess our regret that in view
oi the deLlarations that hivo been made bj Muir Mayi't/’s
niimsters tint the w ir m Atghinietui was undeitikon lor
Impenul puiposes, no assmance b is been gi an tli t the cost
incurred in consequence ot the renewal ot hostilities in that
eountij well not be v.bolli detia''ed out ot the reionuos oi
India ’

Ml Fawcett alien sail {Ih is, ml, \oluuio 230
p. 454 ) -

“ V 11(1, t uirthl , tlu ill jst important qn dmu, as tai as he
\ IS iMi to luilge, was \ho wa- to p iv tlu o> pens oOftbewar

_lr -,01 mad to be quite cle ir tli'it the evptn^es of the vv u
should mil lie IjnriR bi India, ind he w islied to e'nlauitnat so
lar iS Iiinii nas uoin-eriied tliiswa'- not to be icgudod a-> a
m ittei ot gciansit, but ot iiistico nid Jep iliti The niitttr
inj-,t bi dt^ided on grounds ul sti let jti3tii.e itid Itgality
(E’ <157 I It m .1 rcinarlrable thing that rierv speech madi in
tliat Jlou e or nnt ot it by ininistU'' or their supporters on the
subject show cJ that the war was a great Impeiial tiiteipnse,
those who opprRod tliewar basing alwijs been taunted as
being ‘luiocbiil politiiians who lotild not appreciate the
magmtiule ond iinpoi t nice ot great Imperial enterprises
(P 45y ) He ss ould ’■efci to the speeche:, ot the Viteroj ot India
the Piimo hfimster, and the Sccretaiy of State for Foreign
Aftaiis upon the subject la December, 1878, the noble
call* warned the peers that the> must extend their range of
vision ind told them that they were not to suppose that this
was >1 1 ir whith siinph concerned oomc small cantonments at
Dacca and Ir llalabud,but one undertaken to maintain the influ-
enot and ch nactei not ot India, but ot England m Europe
Now, \,erc going to make India pav the entire bill for

imiiitaining the mfluenee and character ot England in Europe ’

"■ The Piirae Mmistei

346

DADABHAI NAOROJi’S -WBITINGS

His lordship ' treated the war as indissolubly oonueot-
ed with the Eastern question Therefore it seemed to

him (Mr Fawcett) that it was absolutely impossible for the
Government, unless they were prepared to oast to the winds
their declaiations to come down to tho House and regaid the
war as an Indian one . All he desired was a declaration
of principle and he would be perfectly satisfied if some one re-
piesenting the Government would get up and say that tliey
had always considered this war as an Imperial one, foi the
expenses of which England and India were jointly liable ’

Afterwards Mr Fawcett said (p 477) —

“ He was entirely satisfied with the assurance which had
been given on the part of the Government that the House
should have an opportunity of discussing the question before
the Budget was introduced, and would theiefore beg leave to
withdraw his amendment ”

In the House of Loidsi Loid Beaconsfield empha-
sised the objects to he for Biitish Imperial pui poses
(25/2/80 — Hansard, vol 250, p 1,094) —

‘ That the real question at issue was whether England
should possess the gates of hei own great Empire m India
wo resolved that the time has come when this country should
acquire the complete command and possession of the gates of
the Indian Empire Let me at least believe that the Pe®'s of
England are still determined to uphold not only the Empire but
the honour of this country ”

So it IS clear that the object of all the fionfciei wais,
large or small, was that “ England should possess the
gates of hei own great Empire, "that " this count);/
should acquire the complete command and possession of
the gates of the Indian Empiie, ” and uphold not only the
Empire, hut also " the honour of this country ’’ Can
anything be more cleai than the Imperial chaiacter of
the frontier wars?

Mr, Fawcett, again, on 12/3/80, moved [llansaid,
vol 251, p 922) —

“ That m view of the declarations which have been officially
made that the Afghan war was undertaken m the joint interests
* The Marquess of Salisbury

APPORTIONMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND INDIA 347

ot England and India, this IIousp is of opinion that it is unjust
to delray out of the roveimes of India the whole of the txpendi-
tiiiB iiiourred in tlip leiiewal ot hostilities with Afghanistan

Speaking on this motion Mi Fawcett, aftei lefer-
iing Ud the past cleclaiations of the Prime Minister, the
Secietai'y of State foi Poieign Afiaiis, and the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequei, quoted fiom the speech of the
■Viceioy soon after his aiiival (p 'J23) —

"I came to Iniiid, an 1 inst lietore leaving England foi
India 1 liad treijnent intirMPtts ^\ltll Lord bahsburv the then
Indian Setretary and I tame out specially instructed to treat
the Indian trnniui question as an indivisible part ot a great
Iiiipeiial i|ucstion mainly depending for its solution upon the
general policy of Hti Majesty s Government

^ud fuithei on ill Fawcett said (p 926) —

“ What was onr polin, tow aids self-governed Colonies and
tow aids India not self-governed ’In the self-governed Colony of
the Cape we had a v ar tor .vhich v\ e vv ere not responsible Who
was to pay tor it t It would cost the English people something
like 1') 0(10 000 111 India, there was a war tor which the Indian
people were not responsible— a war whioh grew out ot our own
policy and actions in Europe— and wo are going to make the
Indian jioople who were not selt-governed and were not repre-
sented, pay every sixpence ot the cost ”

And so Loid Salisbury, as Secretaiy of State foi
India, and the Viceioy had deated up the whole posi-
tion — “to tieat the Indian frontiei question as an
indivisible pait of a great Impeiial question, mainly
depending foi its solution upon the general policy of Her
Majesty’s Government,” and the Indian people having no
voice 01 choice in it

Mr Gladstone, following Mi Fawcett, saiu
(p 930) -

“ It appears to mo that, to make such a statement as that
the judgment of the Viceroy is a sufficient expression ot that
ot the people ot India, is an expression of paradox really
surprising, and such as is rarely heard among us (P 932 )
In my opinion ray hon’ble friend the member for Hackney has
made good his case Still, I think it fair and right to say

.\D\I,IIAI KAOROJI’S

''id‘ ;■> ui oTJiniot' 111’ hoii bk li lend the niomber foi Hackney
I’ 11 cor, pi ti -1 piano goon his caho Ills case, as I undQr^,t^nd

ii", nt rPoc'i-d one shred of ansccer (P ‘)jt ) In

r c sp l>l 1’ ot tliH Piime Miiiistci, the speech ot Loid S ilisbnrv,
> id ti J n.'.ch ot the Vicarov of India, and, I tliiiiK iny hon’ble
n Mid Slid, in speech bv the Chancellor ot the E,cheqnoi,
*1.1 Aigii,.!. , arli.Mheeii distinctisely lecogmsed xs partaking
tii the cliu ct-r ol an Imperial a,ar But I think not

-elj siiiill sum like tint, but \/hat my light bon ble fiiend
^ Clni icUor ot the C cheiiuer a. ould call <i solid and sub-
iti'tial sum, ought to be borne by this couutiy,tit the very
b I't (P 'J3"i ) As regirdb tin, substince ot the motion,

L 1 ordialu embrace the doctrine ot inj hon'hlc hieiid the mom-
1 rturH'ckiiej There is not a i onstituency in the country
oetore v inch 1 ould not be piepared to stand, it it tvere the
pjorest lud most distressed m the Und, it it were composed
' 1 bod o." men to all ot whom esery addition ot a farthing
r 1 1 cs I IS i sensible burden iiid before them I would be
aiad to st'nd and pleid th it, when we have made in India a
I ir \ bu li our own noconinient have described as in pait an
Imr-rnl aai, we ought not for a moment to shrmJ. from the
pcspoiisibilitx o assuming t le ist i portion ol the coat ot that
. u, in lor-ispondeiice with nhit deolaration, instead of
"1 ikii g usi ot the le i, aiid <ii4uinent ot roice, which is the only
I w inu the o.ilv argument which we possess or apply to place
' I'lid I'lirden on the shouldei , ot the people

Tho iii'sbou of the t hole was that England contri-
hutad £ 1,01)0,000 ovt of £21,000,000 spent on this wai,
when one would have natuially expected a " fai more
solid and substantul’’ sum fiom iich England, whose
lateiest itas double, both Impeiul and Euiopean But
the e'ctenf: of that contiibution is not the present
question Avith rue It is the principle that “ the Indian
frontiei nuestion is one indivinble part of a gieat Impeiial
qaestion, mainly depending for its solution upon the
c,3neral policy of Ilei Majesty’s Government,'’ and that,
tbereioie, a fan appoitionment must be made of all
the chaige or cost of dll fiontiei wars, according to the
extent of the interest and of the means of each countiy

Coming down to later times, the action of Mi
Glr.hrone on 27tli Apiil, 1S8.5, to come to the House

■I-OETIONMEKT JiBTWEEN ENGLAND AND INDIA 349

Commons fco ask foi £11,000,000 — and the House
cepting Ins ijioposal — on Uie occasion of the Penjdeli
3ident, IS again a most significant pioof of the Iinpeiial
aiactei of these fiontiei wais He said {llans oJ, vol
'7, p S.39) —

“I have heard with gieat s.iti'-tactioii thu assurance ot
m’Dle gentlemen opposite that the\ ire dispo,.ca to ton.aid m
eiy viav the grant of tunds to us to be u'-cd as o best think
r the raaintenaiice ot viliat I have upon iormei ottasions
isoribed as a National and Imperial policj Cert iiiily, an
[equate sense of oui obligations loom Iiidiui Ernpiic has
iver jet been claimed b> niiv ] artv in this oountiy as its
iclusive iiiheiitance In inv opinion he i.ill ho guilti of a
oial oflence and gross politic 1 tollv who should endeavour
chiin on behalf of his own pirtv mt juperioutv in that
speot Orel those to whom he is habitualh opposed It is aa
ipenal policj in which we are engaged ”

Lastly, last jeai (ifi iv, 93) the piesent leadei of the
ouse of Coinuions (JIi Bailout) ui his speech lefeiied
*' \ seiious blow to out piestige “ that theie Aie tsio
id onli/ ttio gieat poj<eis thej (the tiibesuieu) hate to
insidei ” “ to its, and to ns, alone, must the\ looh as a
izeiaui powei ” 'To depend upon the Biitish thione ”
Che italics aie mine) So it is all "ouis” and “ us”
)i all gam and gloiy and Impeual po-session, and
uiopean position — except that India must be foiced to
ly the bill Is tins the sense and conscience of Eiiqlnh
sttca to make India pay the whole cost ot the Chitral
ai 01 anv fiontiei wai '

Though the leal and puncipal guiding motive foi
le Biitish Government foi these fiontiei vvais is only
mpeiial and Emopcan foi “ itsiesoluto deteimmation '
E keeping its possession ot India and position m Euiope,
till India does not want to ignoie it':, indiiect and inci-
ental lieuefit ot being saved fiom falling into Eussia s
.ands, coupled with the hope that w'hen Bi'itish con-

3!il) Ii\DALn\I NA.OR0Jl’b WRITINGS

SC10UC3 1“. fullj inloiiQod aud aioased to a tine sense of
tlio eMis of the piesont s\stem of adimqistiation,
these evils will be lemoved India, tberefoie, accepts
tint ^hc;e fiontiei vwar^, asfai as they may be absolutely
iipoeaAi , involves ludian mteiests also, and would be
vvilhn^ to pav a fan shaio accordini^ to hei means

India, theiefoie, lemands and looks to the piesent
Coinitus‘'ion hopefully to apportion a fan division foi the
co^t of all fiontiei vvais m which India and England
have and had pin poses of common inteiest This whole
aiguraent will applj to all wars, on all the frontiers of
India — Last, West, North, oi South With lefeienoe
to all v-ais outside all the fiontiars of India and in
whirh India has no inteiest, Biitain should honestly pay
Indi i fully foi all the services of men oi materials which
slie Ins taken and may take fiom India — not, as m the
Abyssinian Wai, shuk any poition Sii Henry Eowler,
in his speech in the House of Commons (22/1/93),
said — " I say on behalf of the English people, they
want to deal with Ireland, not shabbily but geneioualy ”

1 believe that the English people wish to deal with India
also justly and geneiously But do then seivants, the
Indian authorities, act in that way ’ Has not India
gieatOL claims than even Ireland on the justice and the
generosity of the English people ? Inasmuch as the Irish
people have the voice of then own direct lepiesentatives
in Parliament on then own and Impel idl affaiis, while
India IS helpless and entuely at the mercy of England,
with no diiect vote of her own, not only m Pailiament,
but even in the Legislative Councils in India, on any
cxpendituie out of hei own levenues Iieland not only
has such voice, but has a free and complete shaie m all
the gain and glory of the British Bmpue. An Irishman

ArPOETIONMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND INDIA 351

can occupy any place in the United Kingdom or India
Can an Indian occupy any such position, even m Ins
own countiy, let alone in the United Kingdom ’ Not
only that, but these authorities not only do not
act justly 01 geneiousli, but they tieat India even
“ shabbily ”

Let us tale an illustiation oi two. What is it i£
not shabby to tluow the expenses of Piince Nacsaiulla’s
visit upon the Indian people' lEhoie is the Mutiny
ot 1857 The causes weie the mistakes and mismanage-
ment of youi own authoiities , the people had not only
no shaie in it, but actually vveie leady at youi call to
use and support you Punjab sent foith its best blood,
and your supremacy was tiiumphautly maintained, and
what was the leward of the people'’ Tou inflicted upon
the people the whole payment to the last farthing of the
cost of that deplorable erent, of joui own servants,
making Not only then was India unjustly treated, but
even “ shabbily ” Let Loid Noithbiook speak House of
Lords (15/6/93 — Dehates, vol xii p 874): —

“The whole of the ordmarr expenses in the Alnssinian
evpendition were paid by India • Onli the extrordmarr ex-
panses being paid by the Home Government the argument
used being that India would have to pay her troops in the oi di-
naiy wmy, and she ought not to seek to make a profit out of
the aflair But how did the Home Government treat the
Indian Government when troops were sent out during the
Mutiny? Did they say, ‘ we don’t want to make anv profit
out of this’? Not a bit of it Every single man sent out was
paid for by India during the whole time, though only tenipo-
rary use was made of them, including the cost ot their drilling
and tiaining as recruits until they were sent out ’’

Can anything be moie “ shabby, ” not to use a
stronger word Here you send troops for your own very
existence The people help you ag best they can, and

* With it India had nothing to do, and vet Britain did not
pav all expenses

iui>\.:.Hvi NvoKon’s -wkitinctS.

' Oil ro*- 0 ui not in'- G^oa iUi\ poition of fcha eipondifcuie
bjt i. ml the people foi then loyalty with the niflic-
I I.' 1 ' nor only tlio wliolo etpenso and additional biu
' » I Id" esen 15 5 habhilv 15 Loid Noithhiook disdoae^

1 th,- the ' •/ h' ilealun; mpiigtlv and shabbily with
‘ I 1 0 ‘dple tluic \ on teach them and e-'pect them to 5taud
.■> ' o 1 m the time ottioiil'le ' Vnd still mote, sineo then,
;u h'lO '>1 ’ lUiUKod \ ay lieen tieatinj, the people with
th hust, ind inllictui& upon them unnecessaiily and sel-
b^hl^ a liU-,ei and moie O’tpensiva aimy to bo paid foi
\ hoilv and as slnbbih as the aimy of the Mutiny —

“ , iimluil’ny tno co^b oi a poition of the cost of then
hiliinr ami tiaiuing as leciuits until they aie bent out,
ihou,h all the tioops ais m tins countiy and they foini
n into:!! il put of the Uiitish Aimj And the yvliole
c irnhtUio ot tho tiontiei wai including Chitial is im
' oso I up >,i the Indian people, though avowedly mcuiied
fo. Imi eiial and Euiopaan piuposes. escepting that foi
■'ei'. sin ne, a touitli of the cost of the last Afghan Wai
as pii 1 horn the Cutish E\chequei, thanks to Mi.S aw-
cett In net, the wnole Emopean aimy is an integial
put of ihe Biicibh Aimy, India being consideied and
tieatsd as a line tiaining giotmd foi the Biitish Aimy, at
any o-peiise, fot English gam, gloiy, andpiestige, and as
a h dating giound foi “ oui boys, ” and as a point of pio
ioetion foi Biitish Impeiial and Euiopean position,
leaving Indians tho helotry 01 the pioud piivilage of
P liing foi oveij thing to the last fai thing, without having
tlie slightest voice m the inattei ' The vvoist of the vVhole
thing IS that having othei and helpleso people’s money
to spend, without any chock fiom the Biitish taxpayei,
thois IS no check to any iinnecassaiy and extiavagant
aspeiidiruie

ArrOHTIONMEKT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND INDI\. 35.3

Now, even all these unjust inflictions foi the Mntiui ,
and all past tyianny w'eie consideied somewhat, if not
fully, compensated by thatgieat, noble, and sacied with
invocation of Almighty God, Pioclainalion of 1838, by
winch it was pioclaimed to India and to the Moild that
the Indian subjects weie laised to an equality with the
Eiitish subjects in then citimiship and Biitish lights
And IS that solemn pledge kept ’ Not a bit of it On
the contiaiy, all such pledges aio pionounced hv Loid
Salisbuij as “ hvjiociisy,” by Loid L\ttoa as “cheating’
by " delibeiate and tianspaient subteifuges," “and by
bieakiDg to the heait the woid of piomise they had
utteied to the eai,” by a Committee of the Council of the
India Office itself as ‘ keeping pioimse to the eai and
breaking it to the hope,” and by the Duke of Aigyll a^-
“we hay 6 not fulfilled oui piomises ”

Can it be expected that by such methods of
financial injustice and violation of pledges can be acquued
the alfeotion of the people upon which mainly and
ultimately depends, as many a statesman has said the
stability of the Biitish supiemacy ’’

At Glasgow, on Noveinbei 14, 1803, Mi Balfoui
said “ You all lemembei that the Biitish Aimv — and
in the Biitish Aimy' I include those Native soldieis,
fellow subjects of outs, who on that day did gieat woik foi
the Einpue of which they aie all citizens ” — This is llie
loniance Had Mi BaHoui spoken the leality, ho
would have said “Include those Native soldicis, the
drudges of ouis, Viho on that day did gieat v\oik foi
the Empiie of wdiich they aie kept-down subjects "
Foi, does not Mr Balfour know that, fai fiom beinc
tieated as “fellow subjects” and “citizens of the
Empiie,” the Indians baye not only to shed then blood

3-)4 IiVDUmAI KVOKOTl’S WHITINGS

foi fcli2 Kinpue, but even tu pny every fa) thinq of the
co^t of tho-.3 will 101 ‘ oui Eiupiie” and “ oui European
no^d'in that no pledije'^, howevei solemn and binding,
to rioii: In ban^ a-, “ fellow subjects ” oi British citi,ien&
hi' a ''','11 t'ltbfi'lly hept oithei in lettei or ppiiit, that
hoveiei much these Indians iua> lie biave and shed
I hen blood foi Impel 111 pui poses oi be made to pay
‘ ciuel and clashing tnbute ’’ they aie not allowed any
vote in the Impel lal Bailiament oi a vote m the Indian
Legislati.e Councils on thou ow'u financial expendituie,
th’t ti'eu employment in the oUicering of the aimy,
bajoiida few infeiioi positions of Subadai Major oi
Jiuudai Major etc , is not at all allowed, that they aie
distiasted lud Iisaimed — aie npt allowed to become
volnntcois— that eveiy possible obstacle is thiown and
‘‘ vabteifuge ” resorted to against the advr ncement of
the Indiiuj in t ’O highei positions of all the Cml
Ser' ices, and ilut the simple justice of allowing Indians
in equality to be simultaneously examined in then own
eountr”, foi Iv'han soi vices, decided by Act and Eesolu-
tion of Par!' iraont and solemnly pledged by the great
Pioclamation. is lesistod by every device and subterfuge
possible unworthy of the Btighsh ohaiactei Is it not a
mochei'' and an insult to call the Indians “ fellow
subject-' and citizens of the Empire” when m leality
t ley aie treated as under-heel subjects

Hera aio Es. 12^,574,590, or nearly Es 129,000,000
snant fioin April, 1332, to March, 1891 (Parl Eetuin,
91 of 1R95), beyond “the AVest and North-West frontieis
o: Iiidii,” aftei the disastious expenditure of £21,000,000
3 1 the list Afghan War (of which only a qu, liter was
pud by the British E\chequer). Evaiy pie of this
leirly Rs, 129,000,000 is exacted out of the poverty-

APrOETIOKMKNT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND INDIA 355

stricken Indians, and all for distinctly avowed Impel ml
and Biuopean Biitmli purposes I do not know whethei
the Es 129,000.000 includes the ordinary pay of all
the soldiers and officers employed in the Eiontiei
Service, oi whetliei it is only the extraoidmaiy military
expenditure that is included If the ordinary pay is
not included, then the amount will be laigei than
Es 129,000,000 And these aie “ our fellow subjects ”
and “ our Imperial citizens” ' To shed blood foi Im-
perial pui poses and to pay the whole cost also ’

Lord George Hamilton said at Chiswick {Times,
22/1/96) “ He hoped that the result of the present

Government's tenure of office would be to make the
British Empiie not merely a faguie of speech, but a
living realitj ” Now, is not this as much ropianoe as
that of Ml. Balfoui’s, instead of being a “living real-
ity All the questions I have asked for Mi Balfour's
expressions apply as foicibly to the words of the present
Secret.uy of State for India, who ought to know the
real despotic illy subjected position of the people of
British India, forming two-thuds of the Empire Bei,
the British Empne can be made a “ living reality ” of
union and devoted attachment, but not under the present
system of British Indian admimstiation It can be,
when in that system, justice, generosity, fau appoition-
ment of charges, and bonoui, and “ courage of keeping
the word '' shall prevail over injustice, lielotdom, and
dishonour of open violation of the most solemn wolds
of honour

Now, Ml Chamberlain, at Birmingham {Times,
27/1/96), said m lefeienee to the Afiican Eepublic —

“ Now, I have never denied that there is just oause for
discontent in the Transvaal Republic The raajo.ity of the
population there pay nine-tenths of the taxation, and have no

>\D\IUIVI .iVUROTlS WRITINGS

'.’i X. x'l t'’ er m the giivni'incut ot the oountrx Tiiat is ti
'i nich uois'iiit e' 1st in ni> otheroKilizod eoininuniti
1 it I 11 nomilv \’iiith\\ise xincl prudent statasmunshi
n.niid">iiii 0 I helievt. It 0 in be lemoved \v ilhout danger t
t ' I idepi I di net ot the Republic, and I btliexe until it i
1,’rio -d oil hueliri pciiil iiltnt giioilantee agiinist tutur
ii'ui'’ '1 ui'fiuh oites ”

Do not fche^e voids applv with ton times fotca t
tho tisO ot India, and is not that wise and pmden
statesmanship ^\hich is pieaohed heie lequued to b
piaotised in connexion nith the sieatest pait of tb
Diitisli Ernpiie ’’ I ventnie to use lli Chambeilain’i

V.Olds —

■ I belic>G (the aimuialvl can he removed without dange
to the stihilifci ot the British power, or, rather, with de\ote(
lid p triotio 'ttichment ot the British oonnevion, and ■
nebu' o tliat until it is remoied jou have no poimaueir
guirantce at iinst luture internal clistuibanoos ”

The r ,'cs fl d 'OiD tti a leadei on Loid Salisbiuy’*
speech hefoic the Non Contoiimst Unionist Association
in a ~encenpo about the Outlandeis, e\pi esses what i'
psculiaily apphrablc to the piesout position of India
It sajs —

" I'ae Outlanuois in the Tiotisi lal— not a Tiuno’'itj, but f
1 irge niajontj— are depnied ot all shaie ot political powei
,uid of tho most elementary puMloges ot oituenship, beoauai
the doinmatc class, diflering trom them in race and feeling, ai
Lord silisbury sa\s, hare the goi'ernmeut and have thi
r flei- "

The Indians must piovida eveiy fai thing foi thf
si.pieiiiaci of the mmoiity of “ the dominant class, ’
and should not hate the slightest toioe in the spend
irg of that etext farthing, and find eveiy solemn pledge
giten for equality ot Biitish citizenship flagiantly
biolen to the heait in letter and in spuit "And why '
Is it because, as Loift Sahsbuiy says, " they have the
Goteinment and have the rifles . ” or as Mi Gladstone

^PPOKTKJNJir.NT liETWEliN ENcxEVND AND INf'I'V .io?

3a.id about India itself, " the law aucl argument of force,
winch 13 the only law anil argument ivhicli we possess oi
apply ” , This Gommubion has the duty, at least so fai
as a fail appoitionment of chaige is concerned, to rediess
this gieat wrong

Do the British Indian authoiities leaUy think that
the Indians aie only like Afiican savages, oi meie
childion, that, even after thousands of yeais of civilisa-
tion, when the Batons weie only barbanans , after the
education they have received at the blessed Biitish
hands, pioducing, as Loid Duffeiin said, “ Native
gentlemen of great attaiiinionts and mtelligence ”
(Jubilee speech) , they do not see and uuderstaud
these deploiahle ciiou instances of then tuie position
of degradation and economic destruction '* Oi Jo
these authorities not caie, even if the Indians did uiidec.-
stand, as long as thej can mislead the British people into
the belief that all is right and heneficient in British Indiai
when it IS leally not the case ’

But the faith of the Indians in the conscience of the
Biitish people is unbounded and unshakoable, and the
little incidents of bright spots keep up that faith, such
as the lustice of not biudening the Indian people with
the cost of the Opium CommibSion, and — oven though
inadequate and partial — the paj ment of one-fourth of the
cost of the last Afghan War It is these acts of lUstice
that consolidate the Biitish Eule and tend towards its
otahihfcv

I believe now, as I have always believed, that the
English people wish and want to deal w'th India justly
and generously When T say that, I believe in the
Biitish chaiacter of fan play and justice, it is not a senti-
ment of to-day or yesterday In theveiy hist political
24—23

•!> DAl'VLIiU NVOHOJl’b -VVBITIKGa

:>[ 5 eecli of in^ life, made as f.ii back as 185rf, at the fc
Illation of the Bombay Association, on the occasion
the Pailuuientaiy Enquiiy on Indian Affaus foi tl
itnewal of the Companj’s Chaitei I said —

‘ \\ Iie.i vie see that cm Ooveinineufc is often leady to a
-i=t ns 111 everythii" cdculated to boneiit us, mg had butte
taaii iiieiely complain and giumble, point out m a beooimi
1 laiincr whatom ical wants are If an Association like th
bo ahvaic in readiiieas to asceitain b> stiict enijuines the pr
bibl^ good 01 bad eflects of anj pioposed measure, and wire;
i.\oi neuessarj to ineuiotialisc tloveinineiit on behalf of tl
l>eoi>le with lespect to them, oui kind Government will ui
ier,i*se to listen to such ineniouals ”

I lid undei that belief the Bombay Association, tl
Biitisli Indian Association of Bengal, and the Madit
An-,ociation, memoiialised the than Select Oominittee o
lodian aflaii'. — toi lediess of giievances 't

Now, aftei not \ei\ shoit of neailj half a centui
u> hopes and disappouitments, those aie still my sent
ment-, to da\ — that with collect and full knowledge th
Ihitish people and Pailiament will do what is light an

J'i'C

1 mav heie take tlio oppoituuit;^ of making a lemar
01 two about the wide extent of the scope of the onquu
oi this CotimiJssioD in the fiist pait of the Eefeienco
Loid Cianhoine, soon after having been Secretai;
01 ttate foi India, said (24 o 67) in lefaience to the pow
eia of the.Connoil of the Secietaiv of State for India “
“ It pos-esses by Act of Pailiament an absolute and con
ciUi.nL veto upon the \ot 3 of the Government of India witl
1 leiciiCL to nine tenths, 1 might almost say ninety nine hun
d L dlhs. 01 the question- that arke with lespeot to that Goyein
ijciit l.Hhament has provided that the Council may veti
nr ue-patch which directs the appropnation of public money
i..ei,oue knows that almost every question connected witl
(.....ciiimeut laiaes in some w.iy oi other the question o
i'peudituie ”

APPOEl’IONMENT EETWiSEN ENCTr.^iM} AM» INDIA 363

The fiisii inrt of fehe Kofoience to thi'> Gomnussioo
tlins embraces “ almost evaiy quebfcion comieeted witls
rTO\einm0nt " “nmoty-nhie hundiadthb of tha ques-
tioub that arise with xespact to that Gorainmant ”

This Yiaw is fully confiimad h> the enqiiiiy by the
Select Committee of 1871 4. Tha lefeieuce to it was
“ to enquire into the Emaucoand Emaiicial Administra-
tion of India,” and oui first lefeience is fully of the same
scope and chaiactei. Now, what was the extant of the
subjects of tha enquiry made by that Committee ’’ The
index of the proceedings of the four yoais (1871-4) has a
table of contents headed “ Alphabetical and Classified
List of the principal headings m the following Index,
V ith the pages at ivhich they will ho found ” And what
IS the number of these headings *’ It is about 420 In
fact, there is hardly a subject of Govern iiient which is
not enquired into,

Youis tiulj,

Didm.hu Naoroji

IV

THE RIGHT RELATIONS BETWEEN
BRITAIN AND INDIA.

De\B LOKD Wellt, — I liav0 to lequesfc you
! mclly to put before the Commission this further repre-
sentation from me on the subjects of our enquiry
Tins v.ill be my last lattei, unless some phase of the
enquiiy needed any fuitboi explanation from me

Looking .at the first part of the enquuy from every
point of \ievr, with regard to the adnmiistiation and
manaseineut of ospendituio, we come back again and
'gain to the view expressed by the Duke of Devonshire
and Sir T\ilham Hunter and otbeis The Duke of
Deaonshiio has said “If the country is to be better
governed, that can only be done by the employment of
the best and most intelligent of the Natives in the ser-
vice” Sii William Hunter has said “But the good
woik thus commenced has assumed such dimensions
under the Queen’s Government of India that it can no
longer bo earned on or even supervised by imported
labour fiom England except at a cost which India
, cannot sustain . If we aie to govern the Indian

people efficiently and cheaply, wo must govern them by
j means of themselves, and pay foi the administration at
the market rates of Native labour ”

Eiom all I have said in my previous lepresentations
it must have b een seen t hat the leal evil and misery of
’ Submittpd to the Welhy Comm^ssi^ 21st Marol^lSg^

RELATIONS BE'i'WERI-I LBITVIN 'VITO IH1)I4 3G1

the people of Biitisli India does not ansa fiom the-
amount of expeudituie India is capable, under natural
ciicumstances, of pioviding tiviue, three times or more
the espenditiuo, as the improvement of the conntiy
may need, in attamim; all necc'-sary piogross The evil
really is in the way in whioh that expendituio is ad-
mirdstered and manrped, with the effect of a large
portion of that expenditum not lotuimng to tho people
from whom it is laised — in short, as Lord Salisbury
has corieotly desoiibod as the piocoss of “bleeding”
No country in the woiM (Kngland not excepted) can
stand such bleeding To stop this bleeding is tho
problem of the da> — Ideoding both moial and material.
You may devise tlio ijj.;st poifect plan or scheme of
government, not onl> humanly liut divinely peifeot —
you may have the foitign ollicials, tho veiy angels thera-
sohes — but it will lie no eaithly good to the people aa
long as the bleeding luauagement of expendituie eon-
timics the same On tho tontiaiy, tho evil will incieasa
by the vaiy peifoctioii of --uch plan or scheme foi im-
piovoments and piogioss Foi, as impiovements and
piogiess aio uudeiatood to mean, at piesent, it is moio
and moie bleeding hj mtioducing moie and moio the
foieign bleeding ageiicv

' The real pioblem before tho Gommission is not
how to nibble at tho e pondituie and suggest some poor
leducbions beie .and tlieio, to be put aside m a shoit time,
as lb always dono, but how to atop tho mateiial and moral
bleeding, and leaving British India a freedom of develop-
ment and progiess in piospeiity which hei extraordinary
natuiol resources aio capable of, and to tieat her justly
ur her financial relations with Biitain by apportioning
fairly the charge on purpoties in w’hich both aie interes-

7)V1>A1UIM naoruti’s writings.

^62

toa Oi, to put Uie piobletu in its double impoitant liear-
lugS 10 the wolds of an emmeut statesman, which should
nfc once affoid a r uaiantee foi the good government of
the people, and foi the seeuuty of British rights and mtei -
eats ’’ (Loid Iddesleigh), as will he seen further on 1
am glad to put liefoie the Commission that this problem
1ms lieon not moiely enunciated, but that, with' the
comage of then convictions, two eminent statesmen
b?v6 actually earned it out practically, and have done
that with lomaikable success I am the more glad to
bung foi waid this casebefoia the Commission, as it also
enables me to adduce an episode m the British Indian
adminietiation on the conduct of the Indian authoiities
in both countues .and other Anglo-Indian o£8cials, which
letieets gieat ciedit upon all concerned in it — and as
m> infoiinatioB goes, and as it also appears from the
recoids, that hei Ma 3 esti peisonally has not a little
ehaio m this piaise, and in evoking a hearty Indian
gratitude and loyalty to heiself This episode also
clearly indicates oi points to the way as to what the
true natuial i elations should he between Britain and
India, witli a lesult of the welfare and prosperity of
both, and the seeuuty and stability of Biitish supie-
macy

In my pieiions letters I have confined myself to
the evil results — suicidal to Biitam and destructive to
India— of tlie piesent unnatural system of the adminis-
tration and management of expenditure and the injustice
of the financial lelations between the two countries,
loudly ealliug foi a just apportiopment of charge foi
purposes in which both aie interested

Without dwelling any furthei on this melancholy
aspect, I shall at once proceed to ilie case to which I

EELATI0N3 BETWEEN BBITMN AND INDIA 3G3

have alluded above, and in connexion with which there
have been true statesmanlike and noble declarations
made as to tlie right lelations between Britain and
India as they ought to exist This case is in every way
a blight chapter in the histoij of Biitish India The
especially remarkable featnia of this case is that not-
withstanding the vehement and determined opposition
to it from all Indian authoiities foi some thiity-si\
yeais, after this wise, natural, and righteous coarse r\as
decided upon by Her ^Majesty and the Secretary of State
for India of the tune, all the anthoiitie', both here and
m India, earned it out in tlie most lo\.il, eainost, and
scrupulous manner and solicitude r.-oithy of the Biitisli
name and character — m striking contrast with the
general conduct of these authorities, by which thev hare
almost always frustrated and made dead letters of Acts
and Eesolutions of Parliament and to\nI pioclamations
and most solemn pledges on behalf of the British people
by all sorts of un-Engltsh ‘‘subterfuges,’’ “cheating
devices ’’ (Lytton), “ hypocrisy ’ (Salisbury), “non-ful-
filment of pledges” (Duke of Argyll, Lytton, and othois),
etc , m matters of the advancement and elevation of tlie
Indian people to material and inoial piospeiity, and to
real British rights and citizenship Had they foitu-
nately shown the same 'lor altv and true sense of then
trust to those Acts and Resolutions of Parliament, to the
-.olemn proclamations and pledges, as hare been shown
m the ease I am refoning to, rrhat a diffeient, piospeioiis,
and grateful India would it hare been to-day, blessing
iihe name of Britain, and both to its gloiy and gam
It IS not too late ret It will be a pity if it evei
becomes too late to pievent disaster

On Q2nd January, 1867. Lord Salisbury (tbeu Lord

rarnwivi whitings

Cl Miiioiiie lutl Seeietai\ of Ktate foi India) said {Etun-
•,.J ^ol 18 'i, p ■■^TO) —

Lut thcieareothei. coiiMdeiatiou’, andl thiuL the hoii'ble
fietj Iniun iSir llemv EtuIuisouI “tatcd them \eiy hiui'v and
. 'o r lenth I do not njiself see om wav at present to em-
lli un^ vci' laigclj the Natives of Jrnha m the regions imdei
(. ii ju Mediate control -B il it 'umld uc n on-at ciil it the vctidt
' ca) " /II' 1 'Jrt laa" tual the yai'h." or Lulia uko iicre caiMhio of
< 'Cl I the'it 'MOtild le al-oUite’r, a.iu 1 qj.'i leb.ly I'ltlnied fioni .iii /«
ftati. I The groat advantage of the evrslenee of Native
hi itoj I that they iillord air oatlet for ^.tate-iiiiaohke capacity
=. < h as has been vlhrded to I need not dwell upon the consid
cut’oii ts V hicji the hon’ble gentleman so cIcKpieirtly letciiel,

1 at [ think 'itai the eJtHei <<. of <i ueU joveineci Kata c Slate t u
1'^' Cl a’ it liOt oiihttii the itubi'it’/ Of oui rule but becaiisa,

1 11)10 til nr inv thing, it raises the self respect of the Natives rind
foil ~ tn ideal to winch the popular feeling/, sspiie
Whiter PI troities or engagements may be entered into, I hope
ti it I chill not bo looked upon by gontlcnieu 'of the Libeial
I'ntv ae rcir lovolutionary il I sav t/ n' the iielfare of the
j ip/f of I I'lia nivit Oif nde th m all I quite admit the tempt
it/ioii which a paranronnt power baa to interpret that
a 'om rather for its own adreutigo than its own honour.
Tilde IS no doubt of the evi«teuce of that temptation, but
th It docs not dimmish the truth of the m i\im ” [The itahes

Un 21th Ma\ , 1807, Lord Itldesleigh (then Su Staf-
foni Noithcofce mil Scmetaiv of State foi India) Rant
(r/,iiis,'u?vol l.s", p IOCS) —

‘ lie l«heved th it the change m education m India, and
tire tact that, the Natives now siw what then system of goyern
1 .ent was and is, had told most henefaoially on that couutiv
He bad, therefore, touhdonce that we might establip-h a state
01 things m Mysore whim would hare a happy etlect on the
adminictiation of the country What had tikon place in' other
p ' ts of India Ti i\ vncorcloity yens ago vviis in as bad -r stats
is M, -ore, yet its idmiinstiation under llntish influence had'
HO greatly improved that Travancoie was now something like a
iiicdel Natnc State Our Tndino folu.i ihoiild he founrled oo a
i''iud ua^’H Uheic oiniht he difiioultics . hut u hat v e had to ntra.
n' ttju I'talln/ia ‘■jsti.mof Xatiiu Slatrs ulutk mightwai a-
rciio > c'u eUes lua sifiiMi 'oi.ne'fifroi. Keeping the virtues of
Nativt Stitos, and getting rid, as far as possible, of then chsad
V ir^'’gc=. We must look to the great vatuial advaiit'’ge3

EELATIONS BETWEEJJ BraTMN AND IKDI V OG'J

which the yovaiatnont of a ’'latue btatc laust necaiai dy hR\ei
l/adei the Bngh&h system there mci oadyantages which would
piobabl^ nevei be uiiJei "Natni Adanuistiation— iegulaut_\, ,
love of law and oidec and justice ”

Had Loid Iddesleigli lued he would have with
pl6fisuie seen that the advantagea he lefeib to are hemg
attained m the Native States and in Mysoie itself) as
well as in seveial othei States, the\ have been laigely
alieady attained And imdei the eye of the Biitish
Government theie is piogio-.a ev'orvvvheioi Loid Iddes-
leigh pi oceeds —

" But native Admini^tritiun had the advantnge in
’fympathy lehneen the gu'Cinoio tu d Ih- i/oienid Croveinois
were able to appieoiate vud understand the piejudicea anil
wishes of the governed, cspeciallv in the euso of Hindu
States, the religious feelings of the people weie enlisted in
fdvoui of tl eii goveinors instead of heiiig louocd ag unst us *
He had beeo told b> gentlemen tioin India that nothing im
pios-jod them moie th.vu valkmg the aticcts of some Indian
to ' 1 , they looked up it the houses on each side and asked
themselves, ‘what do we resllv knoiv of these people — ot
then modes ot thought, then technga, then picjudue
—and at what gieat disidv vnligo, in consequence, do we
vdministei the government.’ TIi, English Qoveiameiit must
uecessaiily laboui undci gieat disadv.iutages, I end ut lio'ihl
thucn oni a^/a) ai>poiwi)/i U nen (op 'hs sy'^tem or hothie 'jmetu
1) :nt to biinq out Nat% t to a t ,i li biakn im si p, ano to caii''
ill the cause of OJLLinniant tdl that u a ot oat and good lo (!.iu
Nothing could bomoio aondeilulthm out Empire in India,
but we ouglit to eonsiutr on what conditions we nold it and
how oui piedeeesboia held it The giGutnes„ of the Mogul
Empire depended on the liberal policy that was puvsued bv
men like the gieat Emperor Akbai and hia cueeessoia availing
themselves ot Hindu tilfiit and a-sistaiice, and identifying
theinsehesas far us pQs-,ible with the people of the country
Thev ought to take a letsuii irom such r ucuiustance-s If they
, cic to do that) dsily toiraras hulia then cvnld only ch chiitgr that

'The same cm be srid about the Muh ’rumedaiis and
other people

1 The greatest of them w the economic enl which Lord
bahsbury has truly called the bleeding of the corintiy

D\DAT311\I ^\011(>31’S waiTING"?

•300

d'ltij }„! otitaiuii i7a<.Si turn ■ '/"d iniinvl or all who ate qtcai and
ijood j). thatcuLmtiii Xt ^\onl^1 he fthsiird in them to say that
there was not a lirge fund ot ‘■titesmanahip and abikt5 m
Ibo Indian character. 'L’hp> ie<tll\ must not be too proud
Tliey nerc always read\ to speak ot the English government
as 80 infinitely superior to anything id the way of Indian
(lOiernment But il the Xatiies of India were disposed
lo be equally eritioal, it would be possible for them
to hnd out weak pluses in the harness of the , English
admiiiistiAtion The system m India was one of great com-
pleiiby It was a system of checkand counter checks, and veiy
often great abuses failed to hr controlled from want of a proper
knowledge of and sympathy with the Xativea ” [The italics
ai e inino J

On the same (lay Loid Salibbuiy, supporting Lord
TiWesleigh, said, (ZZous-ik?, vol 187 p 1073 } —

Tilt general conciit I Clue oi niaiiioa e/ tJiose wltal note India
It-'d I'^that a r.twtber of ^neli ou ei tied ^m/>ll Native Stater are in the
rnglieit degree aiitantagenu 'o I ha i/nelopmtnt o; the poliliiai
and n oral'onditionof the paoph of tiulia The hon’hle gentlsm in
(kfr J.aing) arguing m the stioiig oflioial line seems to take the
iiev that eyeiy thing is iightin Butish terutory and everything
drirk in Katne teriitoiy Though he can cite the case at
Ondli, I yenture to doubt u iti'ouldbe established as a geneial
' lew of India us it oM-,ts ut piosent If Oudh is to be quoted
against Hatiye Goveninicnt, the Ropoit otthe Orissa Eamine,
which will be pieseuteil m a tciv days, will be found to be
-anothei and far uioie teiiilile matanee to he quoted against
English llule The Tlitti\'i ijULernmeiu has never been quiHij of
the tio’enceand tllegatir/ ot \’aliie Souretgns Butxt hat. faulti
» f 'U own, ii'htLh though Iheii are far more guiltless in intention,
aie Uiote terrible in epect. Its tendency to routine, ita listless
heavy heedlessness, sonietinics the result of its elaborate orga-
nisation , a fear of responsibility an exlretue centralisation—
all these lesults, ti.iceablo to canaes for which no man is
vmp\h\e, pmlweari aiiMuntnfineiUie‘uii -lehich lehen icinfmced
' i hates a ter i ible amount of
be taken into consideia
r elaboi.ute and artihoial system
inoie lough and leadv system
neigsncy, unless you have men of
“put, the simple foim of Oiiental
□I nt will produce ellects raoie 8a,tisfactoiy than the
e cliborate system ot English Rule. I am not by this
intr t .if. nnt rgQmjg order, to

Oj natural laniesai
vitsciti \11 these things
tion when you compare or
PI goyernment with the i
pf India In cases of emei
I'c^iiliar ebaiaeter o

denying th.it out mission ii

REIiAriONS BETWEEN BRITAIN AND INDIA. 3G7

"iviliso and develop the Native Governraenta wa find theve. *
But 1 demur to that wholesale condemnation of a Bystem of
government whieh will be utterly intolerable on onr onn soil,
but which has grown up amongst the people auhjected to it
It has a hbiiesB and coiigemahty foi them impossible for U9
adeijuateli to lodhse, but which rompenevta them to an
enoimous degieo for the mateiial evils which ita rudeness in a
gieat many oases produces, I may mention as an instance
what was told me by Sir Geoige Clerk, n distinguished membei
of the Council of India, respecting the Province of Kathiawar,
in which the English and Native Go”ernments are very much
intermixed Theie are no broad linos of fiontier there, and a
man can easily leap over the hedge from the Native into the
English juusdietion Sii Geoigo Oleik told me that the
N.itues haying little to cany with them were continually in the
habit of migrating from the Itiighsh into the Native junsdio
tiou, but that he never hewd of an instance of a Native leav
ing his own to go into the English jmisJictiou This may be
VQiv bad taste on the part of the Natives, but you have to
consider what promotes then happiness, suits their tastes, and
tends to then moial development m their own wav If jou
intend to develop then uioial nature onU after eti Anglo Savon
tvpe, you will make i conspicuous and disastrous defeat.”
[The u.ilir s aio mine ]

In the above exti.aot, Ixnd Sahsbuiy says that the
inefticiency leintoicecl by natuial causes and circum-
stances cieates a teuible amount of imseiy These
natural causes and cucumstanccs which cieate the teiu-
bla amount oi miseiy aie pointed out by Tjord Salisbury
himself, as Secretaiy of State foi India, in a Minute
(29/4/75) He says " the injuij is exaggeiated in the
-cage of India, vvheie so much of theievenua is exported
without a direct equiv alent ” .\nd that under these
causes and eircumgtances, the lesult is that “ India
must be bled,” so that he tiuly shows that though
under the Biitish Eule thoie is no peisonal violence, the

’ This is being actually done Every effort is being made
to bring the .idinmistration of the Native States to the level
of the organisation of the British svstem which is not a little
mO tne Giedit of the British Government

I'VL'V'UIVI AV(fl!uH'"

, KI'i'IN'HS

jiie'eiit; -.>r>toiu oi tlj0 aduuiiistiation ol exponditare
I- 'ii'int Imt t-i 0 ifce .1 Jii 'loa> ‘‘ < ir if ' n ten ihh' aivoinil of

LuitUei, U'e ci’U'^e ukI iluiective s\ ‘>iiein of adnua-
i-l, ii’iiii utiilai fchd o'fl ^v^tom oi Nafcu’Q lulo 19 all
ami cuinofc apply to the pieseut admmibtiatioa
I'l Biitibh India Vnv alteiation that may be deemed
'leiPiMuy to lie made foi leiuecliiug tlub‘ teuible
amount of m-eiv,'’ irould not involve m Biitibli India
'iu\ dlteia'-inn at all m theon-.tin;; dovelopol plan oi
3 b'^ei'i ol the oioamsicioii 01 vho adniinistiatiou

Xo\'', the mmal 01 the above evtiacts fioui the
'•lieochC' Ol Lords Sah&biiu and Tddesleigh is deal
! ndoi tiiepiO'ent sj^lem ol admmistiation ol yovoin-
inenc .'ud e\peidituio and uniust fauancial lelations, in
tbn \in' natnie of thnc;s, theic is a poipetual and
in.'utihleiesult of teirildo lUHeiy, of shvoiy (XIacaulay),
alKol .te hopalessneas ot higher life 01 caioer, do^pau,
self-aiii^ement, without inv self lospeot (Sahabmy).
ONtreiua destitutiou and bufteiing (Bught), axtieiue
poiarta (Lai.nence, Cioinoi, Laihoui, Cohin), degiada-
tion (Mouioe), etc , etc And a consequence of such
deploiable le-ults, an iiiheieub and inevitable " dangei
ot the most seiious older” (Lord R Ghui chill) to the
stabihti of Butish supiemaoy Biitish Rule under such
ciicumstances can onlj continue to be a foreign ciushing
tyiinny, leading the people to yeain (the Duke of
Dovonshive) to get iid ot then Emopean ruleis, etc , etc

On the other hand, (Sahshuiv) “ the existence ot a
woll-goveined Native State is a teal benefit, not only to
the stabiliti of the Butish Rule, hut more than anything
it laisesthe self-iespect of the Natives and foims an ideal
to which the popiilai Feeling a^pues. " And “ that a

RELATIuUS liEXWLLxV DEII US ASK ISI'IV oP,')

nuinbei of well-goveiuecl small Native States ate in the
jitghest clegioe atlvantageous to the deielopunenfc of the
political and inoial ” ([ may arid, the mrteii.il) condi-
tion o£ the people of India” Loul Iddesleigh sa^s on
the same lines “ What i/e had to aim at was to
establish a system ol Natno Stales which might niauitain
themselves in a satisfactoi> lolation ’ And what is of
fai mole impoitance, ho actually mauguiatod the giei't
erpeinnent, by which he piopo'etl tosolie the gieat
pioblein, ‘ which should at once atlord a gnaianteo foi
the good government of the people and foi the socmity
of Biitish lights and inteiests, ” and to winch I dasiie
to diaw the attention of the Conimi-sion In shoit, the
lesson of the extiacts is that the Jhitish Indian adminis
tiaiion as it exists at pie^cnt positnoh and oeuouslj.
dangeious to the Jhitish supiomacy, and of teuible
imsoiy to the ]ieople , while a sj ^toin of Natue States will
laiso the people, and at the same time tiiiiili secuie the
stability of the Ei itish supieniacv and laigolv conduce
to the piospenty ol both comitiies — Biitiun and India
Now comes the great meut — which will always be
lemembaied by Indians with deep gratituue — of these
two Statesmen (Salishuiv and Iddesleigh) They did
not lest satisfied wnth meic declaiation of line and gieat
sentiments and then sleep oioi them, ai has lieou done on
many an occasion to the misfortune of pool India No,
they then showed that tliex had the couiago of then
convictions and had confidence m the tiue statesman-
ship of then MOWS In this good woik IIoi Majesty
took a waim inteiesh and encouiaged them to caiiy it
out The lesult was the memoiable — and eiei to be
lememhered wnth gratitude — despatch of IGth April,
1S67, of Loicl Iddesleigh, foi the lestoiation of Mysoio

D\DAI)nAI iS"VOROJl’b WKITINGfi

to tlio Native iule, notwithtitanding thiity-six yeais of
doteimmed opposition of the authoiities to that stop
(Pail Bet 239. 30/t'G7)

And now I coma to the apibode to which I have is-
foirod above, and about which I vvute with groat gratifica-
tion and giatitude, of the conduct of all the authoiities in
both countiies and of all the Anglo Indian oflicials who
had any share in this good woik, backed as I have said
alreadj, by the good-heaited and influential inteiest and
suppoit of Hoi Majesty heiself They may have made
5oma eiiors of judgment, but tboie was universally
poifoot sincerity and lojalty to the tiust Among those
.onceined (and whose names it is a pleasure to me to
,ive) vveie, as Secretaiies of State foi India, Loid
[ddesleigb. the Duke of Aigyll, Loid Salisbuiy, Viscount
Jinn brook, and the Duke of Devonshire (fiom 1867 till
:881, when the late Maharaja was invested with powei) ,

IS Viceroys, Lord Lawience, Loid Mayo, Loid Noith-
nook, Loid Lytton, and Loid Eipon , and lastly, the
Ihiei (Jommissiouers and other officials of Mysore The
hiof meat in the conduct of all concerned was this
joid Iddesleigh laid down in his despatch of 16th of
ipul, 1867 —

• Without entering upon any minute evawinfttiou of the
i'ui, ot the Tieafiea of 1799, Hei Majesty’s Government
Kognise, in the policy which dictated that settlement, a desire
3 piovide foi the mamtenanoe of an Indian dynasty on the
ircjiie of Mysore, «ion feinis vhtch ihould at onca affunl a gnat
Mta for thi. good govt.i umeiU of tnu peuplo and foi the seouiUt. of
rtiish rights and interest Her Majesty is animated bv the
.tueedsbiie, and shares the views to which I have lefeired
Her Majesty desires to maintain that family on the
ixone in the person ot His Highness’s adopted son It

theiefore the intention of Her Majesty that the young Prince
lould h ive the advantage of an education suitable to his lank
nd position and ciJculated to prepare him foi the duties of
luiiuistiation. [The italics are mine ]

RELVi'IONS Lim VU AND INDIA ‘ill

Thib being once boUled, though against all previous,
opposition, and necessitating the ivibhdiawal of Euio-
peans fiom the Sei vices, all the authoiities and officials
concerned, to theii honoui and piaise, instead of putting
anv, obstacles in the wa^, oi tiying to fiustiate the above
intentions, dischaiged then tiust nio->t loyally, and with
every earnestness and caie and solicitude to carr^ the
vvoili to success The lUue-liooks on Mysoie fiom the
despatch of IGth April, Ibtw, to the installation of the
late Mahaiaja in 18SJ, alToul a biight cliaptei in the hia-
toij of Butish India, Loth in the justice, ugbteousnoss,
and stp.tesmanship of the decision, and the lo> alty and aa-
tieine caie of eveiy detail in can j mg out that decision —
with success and satisfactoii lesults m both objects set
foith in the despatch, 1/ , “ thf qoml gnioitment of the
people, and the itetuttl'i i>i Ih didt i iiilith and iiiteicsii, ”

I wish the India Office would make a return on
I\lv lOie relations and aflaii'. up to date, m continuation
of Ret. No 1 ofl8‘^l (c JOjr,), to show how the good
and cioditablo vvoik ha-, lieea continued up to the piesout
time I think I need not entei hoie into any details o*
this good woik from lbG7 to I'-^l of tlie British officials „
tlie Blue-books tell all that Of the vvoik of the late
Mahaiaja fiom 1881 till his death at the end of 1694, it
would be enough fci me togno a veiy biief statement
flora the last Address of the Dowan to the Eepieoent-
itue Assembly held at Mj-iOie on Kt Octobei, 1895, on
tlie lesults of the late Mabai i|.i\ adniinistiation during
numli fourteen ^eais of bi= leigii, as neail> as possible
in the Dewan's vvoids Tlie Maharaja was invested with
power on 25thUaich, 18 S 1 Just previous to it, the State
had encounteied a mo-.t disastious famine hj which a
fifth of the population had bean sw ept aw ay and the State

172

D-VD-VBH-VI NVuROJl’S WRITINGS

urn into n doU of 80 lakhs of lupees to the Biitieli
Covoinuient The cash balance had become reduced to
I Ufc,uie insullicioat loi the mdinary leciuuements of the
ulnimistiaMon Eveiv source of revenue was at its
lowest, and the severe letienchments which followed had
let o\eii department of State in an enfeebled condition
Such was the beginning, It began with liabilities exceed-
ing the assets by 30,' lakhs and with an annual income
less than the annual e vpenditme by li lakhs Compar-
ing ISBO 1 iMth Ib'Jl the annual revenue rose from
101 to 1801 lakhs, or 75 21 per cent , and after spend-
ing on a large and libeial scale on all works and pur-
poses of public utility, the net assets amounted go over
176 lakhs in 1891-5, nr heu of the net liability of 30|
lakhs with raliicliHis Xligliness’s reign began in 1881,

lu J‘'S1, the balance of Stite Funds w vs
( ip.tvl outlay on State liailuavs
ag.iiiist a liability to tbe Biitish Goveinmant of
J “aviDg a balance of li vbilily ot Its dOl lakhs

Bs

21,07,438

25,19,198

80,00,000

On lOth June, 1895

Assets—

IB IJalance of State Fiiiirls
12) Imostment on v count of llaiKvay
Loan Itepaynicnt Fund
I >) Capital outlay ou Mysore Hanhiii
Kvilway

1 4) Capital outlay on othei Railways

1 5) I ncapei ded portion ot Capital borrowed

for M\ sore-Haiihar Railway (with
Luti h Qoveiniuent)

1,27,23,615

27,81,500

1,58,03,006

41,53,090

15 79,495

.mil iTrt‘—

tl) Local Riilivu Loin
i2) Rnglisb Railway Loan

0,60,21,306

Ra 20,00,000

1.63,82.801

Net Vssets ,

1,83,82,801

RELA.TIONS BETWEEN BRITAIN AND INDIA 373

Ann OiHun Assets—

Oapitial ontiav on orgnial
litigation Woika lla OO.Ort.Oo.I

Beside? the above expendituia from cuiienfc levonue,
theie IS the subsidj, to the British Govoinmeat of about
Es 23,00,000 a yeai, oi a total of about Rs 3,70,00,000
in the fifteen yeaia fiom l8y0-l to l894-d, and the
Maharaia’s civil list of about Es 180.00,000, during the
fifteen yeais aUo paid from the curient levenue And
all this togethei with iDCieai.e m oxpendituie m eveiy
depaitment Undei the ciicumstances above descubed,
the adminiafciatioa at the etait of His Highness’s leign
was necessarily very highly centialised The Hovvan, oi
the Eveoutiva Admini'='.i,atne head, had the diiect con-
tiol, without the intcivention of depaitmental heads of
all the puncipal departments such as the Laud Revenue,
lorostb, B’ccise, Mining, Police, Education, Mujroyi,
Legislative As the finances itnpioved, and as depart-
ment aftoi depaitment was put into good working oidei
and showed signs of expansion, separate heads of depait-
inents woie appointed for hoiests and Police in 1885,
foi Excise m 1889, foi Mujioyi in 1S91, and for Mining
in 1894 His Highness was able to resolve upon the
appointment of a separate Land Revenue Commissionei
ouly in the lattei part of 1894 Impiovoments weie
made in other depat tments — Local and Municipal
Bands, Legislation, Education, etc Theie aie no wails
which unfoitunately the Finance ilinisteis of British
India aie obliged to laise, yeai aftei veai, of fall m
E' change, ovei-buidoniug taxation, etc., etc

And all the above good lesults aie aide by side with
an inciease of population of 18 34 pet cent in the ten
years from 1881 to 1891, and there is reason to believe
21-24

.]74 DIU-VIJII-VI NAOROJI’S WRITINGS

that auiing the last ioui yeais the latio of ineiease was
e\en Inghei Duiing the fouitean yeais the late of moi-
talit> 1-, estimatecl to ha\e declined 6 7 pei mille

-Cut theie is still the most impoitant and satisfactoiy
feicuio to come, itz , that all this financial piospeiity
was seemed not by lesoit to new taxation in any foim
01 shape In the veiy natuie of things the piesent
sisteui of administiation and management of Indian ex-
penditiiie in Biitish India cannot ever produce such
results, e\en though a Gladstone uudeitook the woik
Such is the result of good administration in a Native
State at the veij beginning What splendid piospect is in
stoie foi the future, if, as heietofoie, it is allowed to deve-
lop itself to the level of the Biitish system wuth its own
Native Sei vices, and not bled as pooi Biitisli India is
bold Iddesleigh is dead (though his name will
nevei he foigotten m India, and how he would have
leioiced ' ), but well may Her Majesty, Loid Salisbuiy,
and all otheis conceined in it, and the Biitish people,
he pioud of this biilliant lesult of a righteous and
statesmanlike act, and may feel secute of the sincere'
and solid loyalty, gratitude, aud attachment of the
lulers and people of Mysoie to the British supremacy
Here, then, is the whole problem of the light and
natural administiation of expandituie, etc , and stability
of British supremacy solved, and that most successfully,
by Louis Sahsbuiy and Iddesleigh It is now claai, by
actual facts and opeiation, that the piesent system of
sxpendituie, in all aspects of the administration of
Biilish India, is full of evil to the people and danger to
British supiemacy, while, on the other hand, “ a num-
bei of well-goveined Native States,” under the active
mntrol and supremacy of Biitain. will be full of benefit

RELAXIONS BETWEEN BRITAIN AND INDIA 375

and blessing both to Biitain and India and a turn found-
ation foi Butish supremacj And all this piophecy
of Loids Salisbuij and Iddesloigh has been tiiumphant
ly fulfilled Loid Iddebloigh set to himself the problem
“ which should at once affoid a guaiantee foi the good
government of the people and foi the secuiity of Biitish
lights and inteiestb," and most successfullv solved it^

The obvious conclusion ib that the only natuial and
satisfactpiy lelations between an alien siipiemacy and
the people of Indiacan be established on this basis alone
Tbeie are these obvious advantages in these relations —

The Biitish supiemacy becomes peifectly seouie
and founded upon the gutitude and afifection of the
people, who, though undei such supiemacj, would feel
as being undei tlieu own ruleis and as being guided
and piotoctod by a mighty supiemo powei

Evoiy State thus foimed, fioin the lOiv nature of
its desue foi self-pieseivation, will cling to the supieme
pow’ei as its host secuiitj against distmbance by any
othei State

The division in a numbei ot States becomes a
natuial and potent powei foi good in favour of the
stability of the Biiftsh supremacy There will be no
temptation to any one State to discard that supiemacy,
while, on the othei hand, the supieme Government,
having complete control and powei o\Ct the whole
Goveinment of each State, will leave no chance foi an\
to go astray Every instinct of self interest and self-
pieseivation, of "latitude, of high aspirations, and of
all the best paits of human nature, will naturally be on
the side and m favour of British supiemacv which gave
bath to these States There will be an emulation
among them to vie with each other in governing in the

37r> DADUillA.! NVonOJl’S WHITINGS

be^u possible, undei the eva and conkol of the
supioma (jro^ainment on then actions, leading no chance
[ol iiii-go\einuient Each will desne to pioduce the
be,t AdiiiiiiNtiation Eepoit eveiy >eai In shoit, this
nitiiid’ o\st9in he-, all the elements of consolidation of
Ihitiah po' ei, 01 lo\alt\, and stability, and of pios-
jpuiici 01 both countue-. On the othei hand, undei
the pio-.ent system, all human natuie and instincts aie
against you. and must inevitably end m disintegration,
rebellion, and disastei No giapes fiom thistles 1 Evil
will have its nemesis I liope and piay that this Com-
iiii-sion will use to the height of its mission, and
accomplish it to the gloiy of this countiy and the
piospeiitv of both

I must not he in isundei stood When I use the
vroi Js Native States," I do not foi a moment mean
that these nevv States aie to leveit to the o/tf system of
goveinment of Native lule Not at all The system of
all depaitmenti. that exists at piesent, the whole mode
ot goveinment, must not only lemain as it is, but must
go on improving till it leaches as nearly as possible the
level of the moie complete mode of Biitish goveinment
that exists in this countij The cliange to be made is,
that these States aie to bo governed bj Native agency,
on the same hues ‘as at piesent, by employing, as the
Duke oi Dev onshue says, “ the best and most intelligent
of the Natives," oi as Loid Iddesleigh says, “ all that
vv.as great and good in them ’’

One euestion natiuallv piesents itself Aie new
dynastic Indian lajahs to be created foi these new
State-- ' That is a question that man like Loid Salisbury
himsell and the Indian authoiities aie best able to an-
swei There may be dilliculties m dynastic succession

BELM'IONS Vl'lWFXN HRI'i VIN \NJ> 377

If SO, the l)o&fc mode of tliQ headship undei some suitable
title of these States may he bv appointment by
flovernment, and aided by a lopio-ientative Council
This mode hasceitain eiident advautaqes, , questions
of dynastic succession iiiTy be ai’oideJ, Ixoieinment nviU
be flee to secure the Vie^t min fui the post, and
Goveinment ivill then haio complete contiol oici the
States, especially with .in rjnc,hsh Ee,idoat, as m all
Native States at pieseni If thought noce'S.aiv, this
contiol inaj he nude still inoie dose liy baling at the
beginning foi some time an ilnglish joint Admuustiator
instead of a Ilesident

Su Clnxilps Dilke h.i^. m one of Ills lotteis to me,
salt] —

“ I also igiun is to roiluctiir.i m Jlurop.^aiis (so tar as the
non-iiulitirv poup'ego) Iiuloed I agr-e ii'hnut limit, and
w ould suiJstitute tor our direct rule a military protectorate of
Native istatos 1 h ivl orteii s nd ”

In aiiothei lettei to me, idiicli is pubhslied in the
Septoiuhei numhoi of hul m 130J, Su Ohailes d-vells
upon the sime subject at soiac length, pioposing to
follow up the case of Mysoie and to divide India into a
iiumbei of Natise States

With legaid to the hnaiicial lelations between
Biitain anil India, whethei foi imhtaiy oi civil charges,
I have aheady evpreased my views m mi last lepresent-
ation I would not, theiefoie, make any fuifchei
lemaiks here

Once this natural and iighteoui, system of govern-
ment by Native States is adopted, so as to make the
administiation of expenditure fulli productive of good
lesultb to both countiies, I may wuth eveiy confidence
hope that the authoiities, as in the case of Mysore, will
loyally and scrupulously do then best to cany out the

17S DVDVLIIAI NAOROJl’ri A\EITINGS

plan fco success bv e^fcablishing ui India eseiy nocessavy
in’cliineii toi piepaiation, exaruinations and tests of
cluiactei and fitness of the Indians “ to (as Loid
IJdesleigh sa\s) de\elop the system of Native govern-
uiont, to hime out Native talent and statesmanship, and
to enlist m the cause of goieinuient all that was gieat
and good in them ”

The pievention and cuie of the evils of the piesent
material and moial Weeding, aiismg fiom the existing
^^\stem of the administiation and management of expen-
dituie, fiom unpust hnancial lelations between the two
countneb, and foi the ledemption of the honour of this
countii fiom the diehonoui of the violation of the most
solemn and binding pledges, aie absolutely necessary, if
India IS to be well governed, if Butish supremacy is to
he made thoioughly stable, and if both countiics are to
bo made piospeious by a maiket for trade of nearlj
'100,00(1,000 of civilised and piospeious people

Ido not heie considei any othei plan of Govem-
nient to sPuuie effectively the double object laid down by
Lord Iddesleigh, because I think the plan pioposad and
carried out b\ him is the most natural and the best, and
most secure for the contrnuance of Brrtish supremacj

I also do nob enter rnto any details, as all possible
dirticulties of details, and the means by which they were
overcome, are all recorded in the Mysoie Blue Books

I submit to the Commissiou that unless the patrio-
tism and piospeiitv of the people of India aie dtawn to
the side of Bntish supiemacy, no plan oi mode of
government, under the existing system of expendituie,
will be of any good eithei to Biitish supiemacy or to
the Indian people Evil and peiil to both is the only
dismal outlook On the other hand, a number of Native

EELMIONfe 3;ET\\EEN BEITAIN AND INDIA 379

States, accoiding to the noble vievrs and successful voik
of Lords Salisbiuy and Iddesleigh, will contiibute vastly
both to the gam and gloiy of the Biitish people, to vast
expansion of tiade. and to the pio^p0iit\ and aflection
of the hundieds of millions of the human lace

If India IS thus atiengthenad in piospeiity, and
patuotically satished in British supiemacy, I cannot
feel the least fear of Eu!j->ia evei dieiming of invading
India Without any mihtaiy help fiom England, and
without any large Euiopean Armv, India will be all
sufhcient in itself to lepel any invasion, md to main-
tain Biitiah supiemacj foi hei own and Biitaiu’s sake
I hope earnestly that this Commission will, as Su
Louis Alallet ha^ uiged, giapple with tlia disease of the
evil lesults of the piesent sj-.tem ot expendituie, in-
stead of, like othoi past Commissions and Committees,
keeping to the habit ot meiely pilliating sjmptorns I
do not much intervene m examining details of depait-
niental expendituie, such examination at pioper mtei-
vals, as used to be the case in the time of the Companj,
selves the iinpoitant puipose of keeping the Govein-
inent up to maik in caie ot expendituie Bub unless
the whole Government is put on anatuial basis, all
examinations of details of depaitmontal expenditures
will be only so much “ palliating with symptoms, ” and
will bring no peimanent good and stiangth eithei to
the Indian people oi to tlie Bntish supieniacv

I oftei to be cioss-exammed on all mi representa-
tions

before, I shall send a copy of thrs to ev'eiy
memhei of the Commission

Lours truly,
DADVBH'T.I Naoeoji

V.

THE CAUSES OF DISCONTENT. '

Dr:\K Lord Welbt, — I lequest you kindly to put
bofoie the Commission this lapiesentation on the sub-
3ects of our enquiiy

Nobody can moie appreciate the benefits of the
Biitisb conneMOD than I do — Education in particular,
appieeiation of, and desire foi, British political institu-
tions, law and ordei, freedom of speech and public meet-
ing, and seier.il important social refoims All these ava
the gloiy of England and giatitude of India I am
most smceiely ready to accoid my giatitude foi any
benefit uliich Bntain can rightly claim

But, while looking at one side, lustice demands
that sve look at the othei side also And the mam object
of this Commission is to see the othei side of the system
of the administiation and management of expenditure
and right appoitionment

It must be remembered that while education and
laxv and order haxe been beneficial to the Indians of
British India they were also most essential to the veiy
existence of the British in India Only that while the
benefits have been to both Britain and British India, the
cost has been all exacted fiom the Indians

The British Empire in India is built up entirely
With the money of India, and, in great measure, by the
blood of India Besides this, hundreds of millions, oi,
moie probably, several thousands of millions (besides
* Submitted to the Welby Comiaission, 31bt January, 1897,

TliB C^^USES OP DISCONTENT 381

what IS eonsumed iri India itself by Euiopeaiis and their
caioei'b of life) of money, which the Biitish have unceas-
inglv, anc\ ever mciea&ingly, duiwn liom Biitish Indians,
and IS still drawing, has materiallj helped to inaV e Biitam
the greatest, the richest, and most glorious counti j m the
woild — benefiting her mateiial condition so much that,
even when theie is a geneial and loud cry of depiecsion
in agiiciiltuie, etc, the Chancelloi of ihe L chegnet is
lejoicing that his income tax is inarvellorisly iticiea-iiig ,
while British India m its turn is reduced to “e'tieme
poverty and helotiy

Will the India Olhee ho good enough to gne us a
Eetuin of the oiioinious wealtli which Eutain has
drawn out of India duiing the past centuiy and a half,
calculated with oidinaiy Biitish cominorcial I pei cent
compound inteic->t, loa\o alone the 0 pei cent oidinary
comineicial lato ol luteiest of Britisli India ‘ What a
tale will that Eetmn tell 1 The India OfPee I'usljiaie
all the lecoids of the India House as well as its onn

1 give a few figures that are available to mo The
best test of this drain fiom British India is (J) ciiat por-
tion oi pioduce expoited out of British Imiia lor ishich
nothing whatever has returned to liei in auv shape,
either of merchandise or treasure . (2) the profit- of her
whole exports which she never got , (3) that portion of
the expoits which belongs to the Natne States, and
which the Native States get hack, with then due pioiits,
aie included in the total impoits, and aie theielore not
included in the “net expoits” Boi No (l) 1 ha\e the
following authoiitative figniesfot only 45 years (1849-50
to 1894-5, “Statisical Abstract of British India, ” No 30,
189.5, p 299) Will the India Office supply previous
figures

P\DVBU\I N\0R0TI'S ^VBITINGS

i'hi-, table shows that Biifcish luclia sent out, oi
o\)j3itel hei piocluce to the extent of £526,740,000,
foi V hiuh she lus not leceived back a single fatthing's
T\oith of anj kiiiil of mateual letuin Besides this loss
01 di u'l ot ic'jual pioduces, theie is (No 2) the fuithei
diain ot the piohts on an expoit of £2,851,000,000,
winch, taken at onlj 10 pei cent , will lie anothei
CJ85,00),000 — which Butish India has not leeeived —
,ubiect to the deduction of portion of (No d), tu , , the
piotit-, ot tlie Natne States To thw has to be added
the piohts which Indian foieigneis (i c , the capitalists
3f Native States) make m British India, and cany away
;o then ov n States Fieight and inaiiue insuiance
eietuuinis have to be taken into account, foi xvhethei
'oi evpoit-5 fiom, 01 imports into, India, these items aie
ihr iv5 paid in England It is necassaiy to know how
ihese two items are dealt with m the Eetuins of the
,ocn^lel tude of Butish India In oidmaiy oiioum-
itanca-,, one may not complain if a foreignei came and
uade Ills profits on a fau and equal footing with the
leople of Butish India But Butish India is not allowed
iiioh fau and equal footing

Fust, the uniighteous and despotic system of
■/ovarnuient pievents British India fiom enjoying its
)wn pioduce or lesources, and lendeis it capitalless
md helpless Then, foreign capitalists come m and
complete the disastei, sinking the people to the condi-
;ion of the heweis of wood and diaweis of watei The
moimous lesouices of India are all at the disposal and
3ommand ot these foreigners

In understanding correctly the tables to which I
lefor, it must be borne in mind that all the loans made
to India foim a pait of the imports, and aie aU aheady

THE CAHSES Or DISCONTENT 381

paid foi and included m that poition o£ the o\poits
which IS equal to the total irapoits, the “ net expoits ”
in the table being, nfte) allowing foi i'll impoits, includ-
ing loans Otheiwise, if these loans weie deducted
fiom the impoits, the ‘‘ ne't e\poiti ” will be so much
laiger The position of the evploitition b> the foteign
capitalists IS still i\oise ihan I ha\e alieadv lepiesented
Not only do tbcv e\ploit and make piofits with then
own capital, but tbov diaw even then capital fiom the
taxation of the pooi people bbein=ehes Tlie following
woids of Sii James "Westland in the telegram of the
Times of I8th Decembei last will explain what I mean
‘‘ Sii J Webtlond tlien exp'amed ho\> c'oselj com ecteil
the Monej Marlet of ludi i w is with tho (foiornment
balances, almost all tho asinlibki ipit.il omplovcd in coin-
merce praotio,illj being m those balances A. croie and i

half which uiidoi normal conditions would ha\a oeoii at
heiidcniartors ip C ilcutta and Domhn and been placed at the
disposal of tho mcTcantilu cominunit. for trading purposes
The Bank of Bengal and Chanibei of Cotnineica
“ pressed the (Joieniinent to take up tho question of
the papei cunonc> leseiie as lugentlj as possible, and
pass a Bill without delav to iffoid lehef to comineice
So, the Eiiiopean meichants, bankeis, etc , ma> liavo
Indian taxes at then disposal, the piohts of winch they
may- take awa), to then own counti^ t The poor
wietched taxpaveis must not only hnd money for an
uniighteoub system of Goveirment exponditme bub
must also supply capital to exploit thou* own losouices
The lefeience to this Commission is to enquiie into
espendituie and apportionment I am fully convinced,
and lepieseiitations fully pio\9 it, that if the system
of the administiation and management of expendituie
and the appoitionment weie based on puneiples of
iigliheousnesst honestx, honour, and unselfishness, the

JRt ]JAD\BHVI NVOHOJl’S W'EITINGS

political peculiarities of Iniliaara such as would pioduce
dll ahiding attachment and conneMon between the two
countiiea, which will not meiely be of much benefit to
IJiiti^h India but of \astly more benefit to the Biitish
thi,iPsolves than at piesent Hence, my extieme desue
that tho eonncvion should continue and 1 can say tiuly
that, in a spirit of lojalty both to I.idia and to the Bii-
tibh Empiie, I lia\o devoted my life to stiengthening this
couneuon I feel it theiefoie my duty (though a pain-
ful one) to point out candidlj the causes which, in my
opinion, have weaLenetl, and aie weakening more and
moie, this connesion, and, unless checked, thieaten to
destioy it

J The un-Euglish, autociatic and despotic system
ot vulijiiniitiation, under which the Indian people aie
not given the slightest voice in the management of their
own e.vpendituie It is not cieditable to the Biitish
chaiacter that they should lefuse to a loyal and law-
abiding people that v oice in then own affairs which they
value so much foi themselves,

II The uniighteous “ bleeding ’ ot India, under
wlilch the masses have been laduced to such " estreme
poveity” that the failuio of one haivest causes millions
upon millions to die fiom hungei, and scoies ot millions
aie living on " scanty subsistence ’’ What Oriental
despotism or Bussian despotism in Russia can produce a
more deplorable result

III The breach ot evasion by subterfuges of
solemn pledges and proclamations issued by Her Majesty
and the British nation, and the floating of such Acts
and Resolutions of Parliament as are favourable to
Indians Such proceedings destroy the confidence of the
Indian people m the justice of Biitish Rule. To sum up,

THE CAUSES OF DISCONTENT 38-3

these and ofchei eiiois in administration ha^a had the
effect of inflicting upon India the tuple evil of depiiving
the people of Wealth, Work, and Wisdom, and making
the British Indians, as the ultimate lesult, “ extiemely
pool, " une'nplo\ed (then ‘■ei vices which are then pio-
perty in then own countiy, being plnndeied from them)
and degradingh deteiioiated and deliased, ciushing out
of them their leii humanhood

Before I pioceed fuithei let me clear up a stiange
confusion of ideas about piosperous Biitish India and
poverty-stucken Biitish India This confusion of ideas
arises from this circumstance My lemarks aie foi
British India only

In realitj there are two Indias — one the prospeious,
the other poveity -stiicken

(1) The pro^perou^ India is the India of the Biitish
and othei foieignoi'- They osploit India as ofDcials, non-
oihoiak, capitalists, in a saiiety of \\a>s, and carry away
enoimous wealth to their own counrij To them ludi i'
is, of courvi, iich and piospeious The moie they can
carry awaj, the iichei and moie piosperous India is to
them These British and cthei foieigneis cannot undei-
stand and leahse why India can be called “ eatieruely
pool, ” v^hen thej can make then life caieeis , they can
draw so much wealth fiom it and enrich then own
countrv It seldom occurs to them, if at all, what all
that means to the Indians themsehes

(2) The second India is the India of the Indians —
the poveiti stiicken India This India, “ bled ” and
exploited in oaeiy way of then wealth, of their services,
of their land, lahoui, and all lesouicca by the foreigners,
helpless and v oiceless, goierned bj the arhitraiy law and
arguments of foice, and with injustice and uniighteous-

iSO 1)\I>ALHVI N^ORUJI’S WRITINGS

— this InJia of the Indiana becomes the “ pooiest ”
countiv in the woild. atfcei one bundled and fifty years
ot Butiih Eule, to the disgiaca of the Butish name
The gioitei the diain the gieatei the impoverishment,
iOsultiiis 111 all tlio bcomges of wai, famine and pesti-
lence Loid SaliUiuii’s words face us at evaiy turn,
“ Irpustice will bung down the mightiest to rum” If
tills distinction of the “ piospeious India ” of the slave-
holders and the “ poreiti-stiicken India’’ of the slaves
be caiefully borne in inmd, a great deal of the contro-
veis\ on this point will be saved Biitain can, by a
righteous system, make both ludias piospeious The
great pity is that the Indian authorities do not or would
not see it Thev aie blinded by selfishness — to find
caieeis foi “ om boys ”

To any appeals the oars of the Biitish Indian
authoiities aio deaf The only thing that an Indian
can do is to appeal to the Butish /iccpfe I must explain
I have no compluut against the British people The
Boveieign, the Biitish people, and Pailiameut have all in
one direction done then duty by laying down the true
and righteous principles of dealing with India But their
desires and biddings are made futile by their servants,
the Indian authorities in both countues Foi these
leasons mv onli resource, is to appeal to the British
people and to this Commission to cause the Older of her
Majesty and ot Parliament to be 'earned out

It IS not needful for me to repeat my views, which
1 have given in mv fave previous lepiesentations, winch
have been in the hands of the Commission from nine to
hfteen months, and in winch I have dealt with both the
injustice and the evils and the remedy ot the piesent
svstem of expenditnia and apportionment, and it lemains

THE CAUSES OF DISCONTENT ;I87

foi the Commission to ciosb-exainine me on all the sii
lepiesentations

I would add lieie a few moie lemaiks ausmg fiom
some of the evidence and othei cucumstanoes

Indians aie lepeatedly told, and in this Com-
mission seveial times, that Indians aie paitneis m the
Biitish Empue and must share the baidens of the
Empiie Then I piopose a simple test Eoi instance,
supposing that the oxpendituie of the total Nai y of the
Empue i=, say, 4‘’0.000,000, and as paitneis m the
Empue you ask Butisli India to pax £10,000,000,
moie 01 less, Ciitish India, as paitnei, would be
ready to pay, and theiefoie, as partnei, must have her
share in the emploiment of Biitish Indians and in
every other beneht of the seivice to the extent of hei
contiihution Take the Aimv Suppose the expenditure
of the total Arm^ of the Empue is, say, 40,000,000
Now, you ma> ask £211,000,000, oi inoie oi less, to be
contiibuted bv Biitish India Then, as partneis, India
must claim, and must have, ex'eix employment and bene-
fit of that seixice to the extent of hei contiilintmu If,
on the othei hand, you force the helpless and voiceless
British India to pav, hut not to leceixe, a letuin to the
extent of the payment, then youi tieitment is the un-
righteous wicked tieatment of the slave-inastei over Bri-
tish India as a slave In slioit, if British India is to he
tieated as a paitnei in the Empue, it must follow that to
whatever Oiteut (be it a farthing oi a hundred millions)
British India contiibutes to the expenses of any depart-
ment, to that extent the British Indians must have a
shaie in the services and benefits of that department —
xvhethei civil, military, naval or any othei , then only will
British India be the ‘ intagial pait” of, oi partner in,

3SS DVrABHAI NAOHOJI’S WBITINGS

the flaipue U theia he honoui and righteousness on
the biJo of the Cutish, then thir, i-, the light solution of
the r!:,hts and duties oi Biitish India and of both the
ioivjro'i(.e-- to this GouimiS'jion Then will the Bmpue
lict-.im' I tine Euipua witli an honest parbneiship, and
not 1 fihe Binpuo .md an untiue paitnership This is
the niani, piinciiul question the Commission has to
clou up Thu will fully show the tiue nature and
lolutior of both the expenditure and appoitionment I
appeal to the liiitiih people When I have been perso-
nallj obsei\ms, duung foiOy years, how the British
people aie always on the side of the helpless and the
oppie-sed hou, at piesent, they aie exerting every
Tiei’.e, lud laxishing money, to save the thousands of
Aiuionuus, then I cannot beheae that the same people
avill reiuse to see into the system of expendituie adopted
by then own -lOivanh, by whioh not merely some
thousands or hundred thousands suffer, but by which
millions 01 thou own tellow-subjects peiish in a drought,
and 3C013S of millions live underfed, on scanty subsist-
ence, from one end of the year to the othei The so-
called Famine Belief Fund is nothing more or less than
nieiesubstorfuga of taxing the starving to save the dying
Thu fund does not lam horn heaven, noi does the
Biitish Evchequer give it If the Government spend,
say {,'5,onu,OoO, on the peasant famine they wiU simply
squeeze it out of the poverty stiicken surviving taxpayers,
who would in turn become the victims of the next
di oil gilt

The Batish people stand chaiged with the blood of
the peiuhing millions and the starvation of scores of
millions, nol lieeause they desire so, but because the
authorities to whom they have committed the tiustbetiay

THE CVtJshS OF IHSCONTENT.

38q

tha tru-,t and adininislei e'^penditme in a mannei
basr.l 11 lion solfishnesa and political hypociisy, and mo-jt
dis. -,tiou, to the people Time is an Indian saying
‘‘ Pi ny srrika on the hack, but don’t stiike on the belly ”

Undei tho native despot the people keep and enjoy
yhat they pioilncc, though .it times they suftei some
\iolence on the had rndei the Biitidi Indian despot
the ruin is at peace, theie is no iiolence , his substance
IS di UiO I away, unseen, peaceably and suhtU — bestaues
m p'^ace and peushes in peace, with law and oidei ' 1

womlei how the i;D8h-.h people would like such a fate
I SD'.; tlierefoie to the Biitish people, by all means help
tlie lor \imenians, hut I appeal to you to look homo
alsc m ' save the hundiods ol millions of youi own
felk V -subjects, from whom you have taken thousands
of iiulli'iiis of wealth, and obtained also y'om Indian
fim me, entuoly at thou cost and mainly with then
hloo with gioat caiceis loi thousands of youiselves at
oui > ost and destiuctiou

The gieat iiuostion i-. not meiely how to meet a
famine when it oceiiis — Iw taxing the pooi people— but
how m pievent the occiuietioo of the famine ks long
as the pievent iiniighteous system will piewul theie will
ha no 1 01 tha scouiges of India We aie thankful foi
the henebt of tho knowledge oi “ Western ouihsation ”
But wii (t we need is the ileods of Wci/ciu j/y/idwiwiCis
uad tiL ;< II to stop tho faimno and to advance tho pi os
poiil\ of both countiies With relation to the present
fame e have to nvse one oi two lemaiks

j 1 he famine of ls7S, the Biitish help .xmounted to
the III iiceut sum of about, I think, £700,000 On the
othei Cl , , the Biitish public have to leraeinber that they
have drawing, by tho umightoous system of the

2t--2a

390 iivDA.Bn-vi NVoBon% \Mtmms

authoiitie^, evoij ^eai JO to 40, oi moie times, 6700,000
fiom pool Jrulia , oi saj fiom the time oi the last famine
they haic diaun fiom India, and added to their own
wealth, some 6100,000,000 oi inoie (leaiing alone what
they ha\e heen diainmg for a centmy and a half), and if
thej no>.\ ^i\ce\en £1,000 000 oi -65,000,000 m the pie-
'BUt distie‘-s, it will be but 1 oi 2 pei rent of what they
ha\6 obtained fiom India duiing the last eighteen yeais
It IS a duty of the Biitish iieople to give in abundance
11 om the gieat, gieat abundance thoy have leceived As
f.u as the pool people of India aie conceined, thoy will
lecene whatever you would give with deep giatitude m
then due extiernity

The second fact what the Biitish people will
leadiK and ear h give will have a double blessing They
will, in ihe lust instance, save so umnv lives, and in the
nevt place save the poor suivivois from so much taxation,
which otheiwioe the Goveinment would exact eveiy fai-
tlnng of, loi whatevei Government would spend fiom the
levenue The novel, loud and vam boast of the
Goveinment of India having lesouices to meet the famine
simply means this, that every farthing of the whole
famine expenditiue (bad or good) by the Goveinment,
will be, by then despotic pow'ai, squeezed out of ‘’the
wi etched people themselves by taxation m which 'they
have not the slightest voice Nevei was there a false
tiumpet blown than the boast of the Goveinment to be
ihle to cope with the famine “ with its own lesouices ”
Oi coui=e, the lesomces of despotism aie inexhaustible,
foi, who can prevent it from taxing as much as it likes ?
It IS a wondei to me that they do not feel ashamed of
talking of “ then own lesouices,” when it all means so
much moie squeezing of a squeezed and helpless people

Tin. C\tT,SIS OF ni'^CuNTLNT

391

And especially when they not only, Shj lock -like, tal o
the whole pound of then laige salaues, but also the
ounce of blood of then illegal and unnioial e\Lhang0
compensation '

Aiiiong'.t the most fa^onute evcu^eso*^ the Anglo-
Indians lb, thac the evtienie poveity of the people and the
disasteis of famines aia owing to incieasa ol population
I have dealt with tine siib|ectin my thud lepiesentatioii,’
and I want to say a few wouls inoio The point to
which I want to driw' attention lieie is, that Anglo-
Indians, official 01 non olhcial of eveij kind, aie not at
all competent to pioiiounce any ludgiiient upon tlie
causes 01 poveity and disastei- of tanimes Voi, they
themselves aio the accused, as the cause of all the evils,
and they cannot bo judges to tiy themselves Then own
deep inteiest is concoined in it Let them withdiavv
tlieii baud iioni India’s thioat, and tlien ‘■ee wbetlioi
the lucieaso in ponulation is nob an addition to 'fcs
stiengtli and pioduction instead of Biitisli-inade tainirics
and poveitv' Tlien it will ilso bo>een that the lumdiedd
ol millions of Diitisli India, instead oi being afllicted
wuth all soits of evils, will become voui best customers
and give you a it iie tiade — more than youi picsent tiade
vvitli the whole vvoild

1 now lefei to a stiange sign of the time^ By an
iiony of fate, and as an indication of thofutiue, and after
1 jO y eai s of Bi itish connexion and i ule, Eussia — to whom
the •^nglo-Indians always point as a tiueat — offers gene-
lous sy mpatliy and aid to staivung and dy mg Biitish sub
jects I do not piotend to know Russia's mind, but any
one can see what the efleot of this, aided liy the emis-
saiies, might be on India “ See how kind and generous
ihe Russians aie, and give us help ” It will ho fuithei-

r\DALHU N\0E0TI’S WEITINGS

392

pointed out, “ See, nob only aie the Eussians &ympa
thetic with yon, but their gieat Empetoi himself has pub-
lished in his hook, ivoids of condemnation of the lule
which suck-- away voui life-blood ’’ The Time<i of 10th
Decerubei last, m its leader on the Russo-Chinebe Treaty
aa>s ■ — “ Russia, we may be suie, w'lll puisne hei own
policy and piomote hei own inteiests ” “ Russia is bent
upon do\eloping hei vast Asiatic Empiie” But the
blind Indian .luthouties would not see that England
w'ould not haie an\ chance to hold hei own in India
AVithout the tine (not lip-loj al) attachment of the Indian
people Is it possible foi aii> -ane man to think that
any one nation tan hold anothei m slaveiy and yet
e pect IomI deiotion and attaclnnent horn it? It la
not natuie, not human natuie It has neiei happened
and will nes ei happen Righteousness alone can eyalt
and he enduuu!, Eients aie iiioiiug fast The time is
come when the Question must he speedily answeied,
whether India is to be a leal paitnei and strength to
England, oi a slaioand a weakness to England — as it
has hitheito been How much of the fuiiue destiny of
the Eutish Empne and India depends upon this, a man
of an unbiassed mind can think foi himself India
foim-, h\e-si\ths of the population of the Bufcish
Empue

I put One Question, w'hich I have often put, and
which Is alwavs ignoied oi evaded Suppose the Biitish
people was subjected to the same despotic treatment of
evpendituie by some foieign people, as India is by the
Butish Indian authoiities, would the Biitish people
stand it i -ingle daj without rebelling against it ? No,
cBi taralv not , and yet, can the British people think it
righteous and just to treat the Indians as the Indian

THU CADSES OF DISCONTENT.

39:

aufchoiities do — as inoie helpless and voiceless slaves
Macaulay has truly said that

"that vioiild indeed be a doting ^vl8donl Mbieh, in oidci that
India uiight rem iiu .i depLiideiicy, woulii iii ike it .i useless and
t oath dependency, ninth would Keep a hundred imlhona (now
‘i2) UOO,(J(JO) Iioiii heing our eiistouier, in otdei tint they
■night Lonlinuo to be oiu slaioa "

The question ot remedy 1 haa e alieady dealt with
au my last lepieaentation, and I would not have said
moie hoie Bub as the ot 8th Decouihei last, m
its article on “ Indian Alfaiis,” conhims, b\ actual facts
and events, the wisdom and statosmau'-hip of Loids,
Salisbuiy and Iddesleigli lu thou one gieafc vvoiK of
rishtooiis and wise policy, ] dcsiieto i|UOte a few words
Boitunately, it i^ the veiv Mysoie Stale to which this
iighteous and wiso act was done The s says —
“Tile ici omit winch bn Sbeshadu hti rendcied to it of
his list VL 11 !, stew iid‘-hip 10 nil- of in leisiii.' itionuc, redu
I od t,i' itioii, evpendituu bunly Kept in hand, lepioductue
pnhliL wcnlia, and i largo c pnidioii of tiiltii ition, of mining
iud uf iiuUisliiiil underiiKiiigs The lesiilt i» v sutplus which
goes to swell the picviein actmuulation from the same

Can tlio piesent system of Biitish idininistiation
and manugemout of the o'pondituie evoi pioduce such
results ' Nevei \ do/en Gladstones will nob succeed

Continuous and incieasing “ blooding ’’ can only
lediice stiougth and kill Tlie Tuhi's' aiticle concludes
witli the woids —

“ A iiuratne am h as bn Sheshadii Iyer wus able to give
to the Uepre..ciil itue Assembly of Mysoie makes us roah-,e
the giowth of capital m the Native States, and opens up new
prospects ol indu-,tujl undertikings and railw tv construction
in India on a Bllver bisis ”

Can tins he said of Biitish India ’No I shall
quote one othei estraefc

DVDAlilUI WtiEOTl’

.VlilTINOS

“Oii3 of til ljOiuba\ f’hirfs, iftei ■some e\[)euehce of
1 1' ,v.iv lu iKii 111 hia owi and idjoining ttiiitoiic-, stiuck out
I iieM depaituie it the beninmiig of the iiio^eiit lear lie
I M I ciieil thr I'le i oi imblu loina to be is^bued loi i uluav coii-
.tiuction b\ one I'cudutoi \ Piiiu e to anothei on the guaiantee
iM ibe ic\emi< - of the boiioning Stitc The hist tiuiisaLtioii
1 1 \ liicli thi-i iiuiRiple K lompktcli cauiLtl out uas a loin of
ti o luillicii iu|i(.es la JI 11 •'U lihagiat Siuliji tin lulei of
(i iidal, to H H I i-,i lilt tiinliji, the rulci of J.iinnayai, on the
1 ■' of Januai ’

Now, anvhoili who knows Jamnagai. knows that
lafii oiclmaij good uian.igeraent it will not be long be-
foio that State is in a position to pay oft its debts, pist
lb ihe good management of Mysoie was able to do, and
ti'J good man igeinent of Gondal has enabled its tulei to
load such an amount This loan hv Gondal, it must be
lo'iiembeied, is in addition to building its own lailway
i ' its own toiiitoiv flora its own ve\enue, without any
loan, 01 help, OL additional taxation

Ho one can icioice moie than rajself tliat Native
State-} which adopt oidiuaij good managoraent go on
incioasmg in piospeiity in stiong contiast witli the sys-
tem of the Biitish management of espendituie This is
fully conSimatoiv ot the woids of Loids Salisbury and
Iddosleigh as to what should be done foi the* Biitisli
India’s piospeiiti I ha^6 quoted these woids in my
li't lepreseiiUtion kml some ot bhom aia woith quot-
ing heia once inoie L’oid Salisbuiy said —

‘‘Tilt genei U eonemrence of opinion of those who know
Indi i best i-} thita niimboi nf well goiciiied ‘im,ill Natisi
State- are in the higheat degiee adiantageoua to the develop
mciil s‘t the pohcu <il and muial condition of the people of Xniha
. liut I think the OMstence of a well goieiiied Isativo
htati 13 .1 real benetit, not oiilj to the stahihtv of oui lule, but
bccei’s" more than iD\ thing it raises the self respect of the
Isatues, .md forma an ideal to whiili the populai feelings

Keferring to the soveial phases of the Bntish Enlo,

THi: C \I OF DISCONTENT 305

he sums up that they pioduce an amount of in0tticienc\
which, when lenifoiced by iiatmal causes and cu’cum-
sfc.iuces, Gieates a touible amount oi iniseiy It might
also 1)0 noted that tbo iichest piovinces and most impoi't-
ant seapoits aie nou Butish So the people of Biifcish
India should be much uioie piospeiousthan those living
in the inteiioi disfcucts left to Xatue Chiefs Yet in
liiitiah India is the “temble amount of mifaei>,” .iffcei a
iiile of i‘)l) ^eaisbv the most highh-tiuinpeted and most
highly paid -^ei vices Loid Idde4eigb not onlv aueed
with the best coui'.e indicated hy Loid Saliobuij, hut
actually put it liilU into opeiation with the confidence
tliat the couiac he took would “ at once alioida guaian
teo foi tbo good govoimuent of the peoiile and foi the
soouiitv of Butish iiglit and inteie-)ts ” \nd aftei an
e^ueiienco of fifteen viais, the wiitei in the 2'imcs is
able tu eviness sucli liighlj favouiable opinion as I have
(liioted above

Aiiotliei fivouutoaigumentof some \n'4lo fndiansis
the w int of capacitj of the Indians In the cv idence last
veai thu was lefeiied to once oi tw ice Theie u a papoi
of mine in the ]OuinaB of the East India V-jsociation on
that subject, but 1 do not want to tiouble the Commission
with it It IS the old tuck of tho tjiant not to give you
the oppoitumtj ol fan tiial, and to condemn vou ott-
liand aa incapable The Indian^ are put to the iniquitous
handicap to come ovei to this countiy foi the civil sei
vices in then own countiv, and flora the Aimy and Na\v
tliey aie entiielv excluded fiom tho coinmissiouad lanks
and all tliu m complete violation of the most saciocl
pledges and Acs ot Parliament I will not, howevei,
trouble the Commission with anv further remarks on this
all important subject It is enough for me to put before

ihe Couimibsion the aifcide in the Times of 5th Octobei
aston Indian affans as the latest honest expiession
if a well-hnown Anglo-Indian, as theie have been
uany aheady fiom tune to time fiom other Anglo-
Adians I put this aiticle as an appendix

In question 11,353, Loid Wolseley said “ there never
vas an India until vve made it ” , and in question 12,7QG,
III Ealph I^oxsajs, “My own view is that England his
nade India what she is ” I acknowledge the correctness
if these statoments, iir, an India to be exploited by
oieigneis, and the most wietched, the pooiest, the
lelpless, without the slightest voice in hei own expendi-
iure, peiishing by millions in a di ought, and staiving liy
icoiGs of millions, in shoit, “bleeding” ateveiy poie
ind a helotiy foi England It is not England of the
English people xiho hare made India what she is It is
ihe Biitish Indian authorities who have made her wliat
,he IS

\nd nosv .1 shall giro some account of the process by
rhich this deploialile result was begun to be achieved
L give the character of the process in authoritative
.voids — words of the Court of Diiectois, the Bengal
3oveinmeiit, and Loid Cine — disinterred and exposed
iiy the Committee of 1772

Fust, I shall give a low words of the Couit of
Directors —

“ A scene t f most cruel oppression” (h/2/17i'i4) "That they
hare been guilty of violating tiorties, of great oppression and a
eumbmation to enrich themselves” (Court of Directors’ Lettci,
2li'4)17b)) “The infidelity, i.ip.icioosneas, and misbeharioiu
of om servants in general ” “Jiveiy Englishman throughout
ihecountrv . exercising his porvei to the oppression of the
helpless Xative ’ "We have the strongest sense of the dcploni
hie state from the couuption and capacity of om

servants, and the umreisal depravity of manners thioughout
the settlement,” “ by a scene of the most tyrannic and oppres

iivo con(]uct lbatL\er was known in ,in\ age oi countiy ”
i7/';/i7()b)

Now, a few woicls of Loid Clive anil Eengal
eLteis —

“R.ipacifcj .ind ]n\my ” ‘‘It is no wondei that the lust
of iiches should 1 eadily enihiaic the ^roflcied lueins of its
graiidcilion, oi that the instrunieiits ot lom powci should
a\ail thoniaehes of then antliouty, and proiecd cieu to
oxtortiou 111 those cases wheie smiple (oiiuption could not
Keep p, ICO with then rapacity” " Luxury, corruption, ivince,
ind lapacity” “ to stem that torient ol luxuiy corriiptioii and
licentiousness,” ‘‘tlio depravity ot the bettleinent,” “ abaiuc
ful oppreeaion and llagiant conujition,” “giieious rx.itions
iinJ oppiessions ” The " most II \gi int oppicssions by iiieiiibeis
ot the Jjtiiiid ” “An adininisti itioii so notorioii'ly coi mptand
meanly \ enai tbiougbout &\ery di partinent,” "which, it en-
(imred into, will pioduce discoipries which cannot beat the
light but may hung disgrace upon this nation, and at

the same time, hi e-t the leputation of gieat unil good
families ”

Such weiethe first lelations liet^ceeu England and
India, and the uiannei in which ] luha was being made
what she is

Change came — coiiuption and oppicssion woie le-
placed by high salaiies It is so easy and agieoable to
give once's own counfciynien high salaiies at othei people's
expense— the diain leniains going on heavier and heavier
What the diain in the last century was genoially
estimated at — something like thieo oi live millions a
jeai — has now become, peihaps, ton times as much
Would the India Office be good enough to give a collect
statement ^ •

Adding insult to iniuij, the Indians have often
flaunted in then face the loans made to them, which
are perhaps not one-tvventieth of what is tauen away
from the vvietched countiy, and which fuithei diains
the countiy in the shape of piolits and inteiest \nd

V)B I)V')V7)nVI NVOROTl’S WRITINTiS

tlio capitalists also aie supposerl to benefit us using
us he^\eib of ^\ootl and tlia\veis of watei, and taking.
a\ as fioiii the rottntij the piofats of the lesouices of
tli it counti \ , and thus we lobo oui osvii wealth, sei vices,
and e\peiieiice, helplessly, and vet we aie told bv some
we aia getting iimnensah piospeious May the Biitish
liooplo nesei meet oiu fata '

\ftei I had finished the above I attended the meet-
ing at the ^Mansion House I do not in anj waj blame
the speakeib , bub s\ hat a humiliating confession it was
about the tieatment ot India b> England The only
wondei lb that those who made this confession did not
seem to be conscious of its huiniliation and uniighteous-
ness on the contiaii, thej took it with a complacency
\s it It \.as a meiib of the Indian authoiities But
Natiue spoke the tiuth ot the gieat wioug tlnough
them Heie IS a people, who it they pude themselves
— and )iistl\ piicle — upon an\ thing, it is then love ot
hbeitv, then deteimination to submit to no despotic
mastei, who lieheaded one king and banished anotliei to
piesei’ve and maintain thou government, with the voice
of the people themselves, who sing that Biitaiu sliall
uevoi he a slave, whose fundamental boast is that they
legard “taxation without lepiesentation is tviannv,’’
and that thej would lesist any such tyiaiiny to a man
These people, it is confessed tiom a platfoim in the veiv
ceutie of the stiuggle foi hbeitv, pioelaimod with a
-1 ‘nHe and functuousness that they deliberately m India
deprived the hundieds of millions of people ot this verv
light of humanhood foi which they aie so piond ot
themselves, that they leduced the people of India from,
humanhood to beasts of buulon, depuving them of eveiy
voice vvhitsoevei in their own affaiis, and that they

THE CAUSES OF DI'^CONTCNT 399

deliberately chose to go\Qiii them as the woist despots
— the foieign despots about whom Macaulai has said that
“ the heaviest of all yokes is the ioke o£ the stiangei ”
And it is this yoke of the w'Oist despotism they imposed
upon India, with all its most hoiiible 6 mIs of exploita-
tion and all the scoinges of this woild A Riiton w ould
not be a slave, but he would make hundieds of millions
of otheis his slaves' — the gieatest ciimo that aai' one
nation can commit against anothei Anil jot these
Anglo Indians aie so callous to then own llutish in-
stincts and chaiactei, that tliei pioclainiod fiom the plat*
foim, with even complucencv, that tho> had dehhciateh
committed the iinlntmamsing wrong, without feeling the
least blusli of shame, and to the disgiai a and humilia-
tion of their own nation, the Biitish people, though the
Jhitish people neiei ilesuelbucli un-Engheli uruightoous
ness towaids the people of India, on the (ontiaij, thei
alwass desiied and pioclaimcd, l)i the most solemn pled-
ges and Acts of Pailuiment, that the Indians shall he
JIutish cituens, with all the lights and duties of Biitish
citi/ensliip, evactiv like those which the liutish people
themselves eu]o\ 1:16161 was theie a moie coudeui-
natoiy confession than m those speeches, that with the
lesults of the teirihle famine and plague the> weie
bunging out moie and moie the hittei fuutsmf then
unrighteous system m the ailministiation of expench
tine m the deaths of millions by famine ind in the
starvation of scoies of millions

The otboi day an Anglo Indian imhtiry ofticei,
talking about the imrnigiation of the peiseciitcd Jews in
this countiy, held foith wuth the greatest indignation
why these wiefcclied Jews should come to this counti>
and depine out pool woikingmen of then biead

400 1>V')MJH\I N^UROJI’S ATMTINGS

Ijitfele Old he thmiv at the time that he himself was an
iiumigiant toioed uijon the Indian people bv a despotic
lule, and was dopiuiag them, not of the hi ead of one
peison, but peihaps of handieds, oi thousands, of the
pool woiivingmen of India

I lelt thankful fiom the bottom ot iny heait to the
Loid Majoi lot that meeting It biought out two
thiugs— i ■^atiJautoi y assuiaiiee to the Indian people
that the Biitish people aie feeling loi then distress, and
aie willing to help , and a les-.on to the Biitish people
which the> ought to take to heait, and foi which they
should do then dut\, that then seivants ]ia\c delibei-
atoly adopted an un-Englisli and uniighteous couise,
and depiued bundieds of imllionb ot human beings of
uhe \ei\ thing which the Biitisli people value most
anove all tilings in the vvoild — then own voice m then
own vtjaiis thou Ingliest gloiy above all othei nation-
alities in the vvoiM They call us fellow citiaens, and
they must male then woid a lealiti , instead ot what
it IS at piesent an untiuth and a loinanoe — simply a
lelationship ot slaveholdei and slave

1 shall sum up in> lepieseiitations by leading
betore the Commission a luief note ot iny piopositions
at the eommeDcement ol iny evamiuation, leaving the
Commission to cioss evamino mo aftenvaids I shall
also laj heloiQ the Commission ceitain othei papeis
hearing upon oui enquiiy

Youis tiuly,

Dauvuiivi IIvoBOll

VI.

ADMISSION OF NATIVES TO THE
COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE.

DiiAR LoRii V'l Tii’.v, — J now give uiv sUteuienfc
on the AclmibSion ot Natue'. to the Coxenanteil Civil
Seivice m India, as pi oi 'Used by me at the meeting of
tho Coimmssioii on 21st Juli kbt, and lequest jou to
place it befoie the Goninnssion I shall send a copy
to the membeis

If lequiied, I bhall give anv fuitliei statement I
can on any paiticulai point that mav uouiie to bo name
elucidated I shall be willing to be CiOs-. e'auiined if
lequned

The tiist dehbeiate and piactisal action was taken
bj Pailiament in tho voai 18J1

All aspects of the whole question of all sei vices
were then fully discussed In eminent man and a Com-
nnttee of the House made seal clung onquiiv into the
whole subject

I give below axtiactb fiom what was said on that
occasion, and a defanite conclusion was adopted

I am obliged to give some of the e'tiactb at length,
because it must he eleaily seen on what btatosmanlike
and fai seeing grounds this conclusion was ai rived it
The italics all through are mine, except v.hen I say
that they aie in the oiigmal

* Submitted to the Welby Commission, Noiamber drd, 1891'

400 N-VOEOai’s WRITINGS

Little (liJ he think at the time that he himself was an
iminigi int toioed upon the Indian people by a despotic
iiile, and wi^ depming them, not of the biead of one
peison, but peihaps of liandieds, oi thoubands, of the
pool v.oikinginen of India

I telt thankful liom the bottom ot my heait to the
Loid Mai 01 lot that meeting It biought out two
things — a ^atibfactoiy assuiance to the Indian people
that the Ijiitish people aie feeling foi then distiess, and
aio V ilhng to help and a lesson to the Biitish people
winch tho\ ought to take to heait, and for which they
should do then diiti, that then seivants ha\c delibei-
itel" adopted an uu English and iinughteous couise,
anddepiived hundiedb of niillioiib of human beings ot
the %eiy thing which the Biitish people value most
aho\e all things m the world — then own voice in then
own xllaiis then high obt gloiy above all othei nation-
alities 111 the woild They call us fellow-cituens, and
thoi must make then woid a lealiti, lustead of what
lb IS at piesent, an untiutli and a lomauce — simply a
lelatioubhip ot blaveholdei and slave

I shall sum up uiy lepiebentatioiis by leading
tjofore the Commission a hiief note ot my piopositions
at the commencement ot my evamination, leaving the
Comimasion to cioss O'tauimo me afteiwaids I bhall
Mso lay bofoio the Comuiibsiou ceitaiu othei papeis
bearing upon oui enquui

Youis tiuli,

DALVIillAI Naoeoii

ADMISSION OF NATIVES TO THE
COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE *

Devr Loiu^ W] Tiin , — I now gue mv sfcatemenfc
on the Aclmibsiou ot Nati\es to the Co\enanteil Cuil
Seivice in India, as pioniised bj me at tlio meeting of
the Commission on 2lst July la&t, and leijuest you to
place it befoie the Goniims&ion I shall send a copy
to the membeis

If lequired, I shall gue ans fmthei statement I
can on any paiticulai point that ma> leouiit to hemoie
elucidated I sliall bo willing to be CiO^b e'amined if
loquned

The fiist dehbeiate and piactn.al action was taken
bj Pailiament in the veai IS 'J 1

All aspects of the whole question of all services
were then fully discussed bj eminent men and a Com-
mittee of the Hoii'-e made searching onquus into the
whole subject

I gi \0 below oxtiacts fiom what was said on that
occasion, and a defanite conclusion was adopted

I am obliged to give some of tho extiacts at length,
because it must be clearly seen on what statesmanlike
and far seeing gioiinds this conclusion vas ai rived at
The italics all tluough are mino, e'copt when I say
that they aie in the oiigmal
* Submitted to the Wolbj Comiiiibsiou.lSoiami'cr 3rd, 1897

402

DVnVl.HAI N\OEOn’S A\BITINGS

Fast India Companj’s Chaibei,

IhidSiiid, Vol XIX, Thud Senes, p IfiO
fiihj m. 183 J

The M VR(jUi:ss op LvNSDowNr, —

‘ 1)115 liL should bi' taking .1 icry uauoiv view of this
[U stion, Old o DU uttciK inadciiuate to the gieaC iiiipoit.inoe
ui the buhpct, ninth iniohud ui it the happiness oi luiaei^ ot
Ul0,0n0,u00 of human heuigs, were he not to call the attention
ot then loid^hi)!' " to the beaimg which this (question and to
the influem e which this aiiangement must exeiuise upon the
tutuiu deiliiiies of that vast mass of people ” He was suie
that then loidships would feel, as he indeed felt, tint then
oiih juslitication befoie God and Tioaidenoe foi the gieat and
unpiecethntPd doininiou which they exercised in India was in
the happiness which they ooinumnieited to the subjects under
their inle, ind it piocing to the woild at luge and to the
inhibitants of Himlustin tint the mhciitanue of tkbai (the
wisest and most heuehcent ot Mahoinedan Piirioos) had not
fillcn into nnwoiDhv o degeneuite hinds lienee it was iin
poitaiit tint wiicu the dominion ot Indii was tiansteiied from
Lhe 1 ast Indn Company to the King’s Uoveinmunt they
should hive the beiiclic of the oxpetieuce of the most enlighi-
oiied councillor, not only on the financial condition of our
Fmpiic m the I'ast out also on the chaiaotor of its inhabit
ants lie stitcd conhdently, after rcfeiting to the eiideiiee
guen by ptrous eminently calculated to estimate what the
cbaraccei ot the jieople ot India was, that they must, as a tirst
step to oneii luipioced social condition, be adnitt,.d to a largei
shaia in the aduiimstration of then local atlairs On that
point then, lordships had the testimony ol n seiies of success-
fill oxpenuicuts and the csidenee ot the most unesceptionable
witne'Scs v ho had gone at a matuie peiiod of the'r life and
with much lutiu il and acquued knowledge to visit the East
Among the ciowd of witnesses which he could call to the ini
pio\ ible condition ot the Hindu chaiaotec he would select only
two, hut those two w'eie well oilculated to form a couect
jiidgment and foitunatoly contemplated Indiaii society fiom
\eiy diflerent points of view. Those two witnesses weie 8ii
Thuiiias Alonro and Bishop Heber He could not conceive
my two persons more eininenth calculated to toim an accu
late opinion upon human chaiaotei, and paiticukuly upon
that ol the Hindu tribes They were botn highly distinguish-
ed for talent and integrity, yet they were placed m situations

INDIVNS IN COVENVNTED CIVIL SEEMCB. 403

fioiu uliicb tliey might ha\c elSll^ lome to tlie fomiation of
clillerent opinions — one of them being con\ei.s,int with the
ohius of the K.iat from his childhoocl a’ld famihuisecl by long
habit with the working of the s\hteni and tbo other being a
refilled Chiiatian phiJusophei and scholar going out to the
]5ast late in lif , anu appiiing in India the knowledge which
ho had aciimied heie to foiui an estiuiato ol the chaiactei of
its inhabitants Ho held in his hand the tebtiinoiiv of each ot
those able men, as extracted fioiii then dilleieiit published
woiks, and with the peuinssion of the Uoiise he would lead i
few w'Cids flora both Sii T Monro, in speaking of the Hindu
cliarvotei, said ‘ bnless wi suppose tint they ,iie inferioi to
us in natural talent, which theic is no leason to beheio it is
much luoie likely tint they will beduh ipialihed foi then eiii
ployinents than Europeans foi theiis— because the held of
selection is so much gieatri in the one than m tin other \\ e
ha\p a whole nation bom which to inakeoui choice ot Xatnes,
hut in oidei to make chono of Cm ope ins we have only the
small body of the Company’s Cos enanted sen ants No eon
(.eit more wild and abcurd than this waseiei engendeiod in
the daikest ages foi what is in csery age and cvciy coiintiy
the gi eat stimulus to the puisuit of kiiowk dgc hut the pi os
peot of fame or w'oalth oi powei” ‘)i wlnt is cien the use of
great attainments if they are not to be deioted to then nolde't
puiposo, the scivioe of the coinmunit\, lis eiiiplonag those
who possess thorn accoidiiig to their lespcituo (juahhcitions
in the various duties of tlie )iubhc administr ition of tin
countiy? OuL books alone will do little or nothing, diy,
simple liter ituie will ncvei improve the ch iiaelei of ,i nation
To pioduoe this effect it must open the load to wealth and
honoui and pulilio oniploimont Miihout the prospect of such
lewaid no attainments lu science will e\ei raise the chaiactei
of n people ’ That was the sound practical opinion of So T
Munio, founded on his experience acijuned in eveiy pait of
India, in eveiy depaitmeut of the public seivice Ui«hop
Hebei duiing his extensive joniney of charity and lehgion
through Indiii, to which beat length fell a niaitvi, used these
leuiaikablc expiessioiis ‘ Of the natuial disposition of the
Hindu I still see abundant leason to think lighly, and Mi
Buy ley uid Mr Melville both agieed with me that thev are
constitutionally kind hearted, industiious, sobei, and peace
able , at the same time that thev 'how themselves on piopci
occasions a manly and conrugeons people Nnd again
‘ They aie decidedly by natuie a unld, pleasing, and intelligent
lace, sober pnsimonious, and, where an object is held out to
them, most industiious and pcrseveimg ' Then loidships

^r-VOROJl’S 'O'EITINGS

40 i

vcie theicfore justified in i oining to the same conclusion — a
conclusion to which, indeed, they must come if they only con
sidercd the acts of this iieople in past ages— if they only looked
at the monuments of "latitude and piety which they had
erccti J to then benefactois and fiiends— for to India, if to any
countiy, the ob'er\ation of the poet applied —

‘ Sunt hic ctaiiu bua pi.niuia laudi.

Sunt lacnm t veruni, et uieiiteni uioibalia tangnnt ’
i!ut, howeici much cuilisution had been obscured lu those
legions, whatever inroads foreign conquest and domestic supeu
stitionh.vd madeupontaeirmouil habits, it was iiudemahlo that
they had still miteiials left foi unpro\ing and ameliorating
then tondiliou , and thoir lordships vvould bo remiss m the
peifoimauce o£ the high duties which devoly ed upon them if
they did not sceme to the numeious Xatnes of Hindustan the
ample dovelopaieut of all then mental endowments and
moral qualihcatioiis '• It was a pait of the new system which,
he h id to piopose to then lordships that to every office in
lujn eveiy Xativi,, ot vvhaKoevei caste, sect, or religion,
should hv law he equally admissible, and he hoped that
(.lovoimuent would ni’tiou-,ly endeavour to give the lullest
etiect to this ariiUigemcnt, which would bo as boiieflcnl to the
pocqiK themselves as it would bo advantageous to the ooonomi-
c il reforms which were now m pngiess in ditlerent parts ot
India ”

\Piifl 171, Jn'>i'iih, isil) — “And without being at all
too sanguine as to the leoult ot the following ot those punoi
pies without calculating upon .vnv extension of temtoiy
thiough them, he v.aa conhdert “ that 'the stiongth of the
ttoyeinment would lio inciea-'Cd by the happiness of the
jicople ovui whom it presided, and by the altaohmgnt of those
n ilions to It. ”

Yol. XIS . Thud Senes, p 191,
July 6th, 1833

Lord Rllenlioiough —

‘ He felt deeply intciested in the piosperity of India and
\ hdi he was a Ministci of the Cioyvn tilling an olhoe
TicniliHily connected with that eouutiy, he had always oonsi-
deied it bis paramount duty to do all m his power to piomoto
tint ]ur,~penfcv He was is anxious as any ot llis Majesty’s
Ministers could he to rime the moral character of the Native
pojailition of India Ho tiusted that the tune would
eicatuclly come, though he neyei expected to sec it, yvbcn

INDIA.NS IN COVENANTED CIVID SBSVICB. 405

the Natuea of Indta could, with advantage to the country ind
with hoooui to theinaelvea, hll oven the highest sicuatious
theie He looked fuiwaid to the airival of such a period,
though he considered It fii diat Hit from tne pipsent day , ind
ha proposed, by the reduotiou ot taMtion, which was the only
way to boiieht the luwer cl-nses m India, to elev ite tliaiu
iiltiipately in the scale of society, so as to fit them for
odiniaaion to oihees of power ,ind trust To ittoui it to
pieoipitate the arrival ot such a state of so'iety as that he had
been describing was the siiiest way to defeat the object in
view Henevai, hovvevai, looked forwaid to a per o.J when
all ofhees in India would be placed in the lumds olNunab
No miu in his senses would propose to place the politic il ind
inihbuy power in India in the hands ot the Natives

“The ifl irquc'-s ot Lvnsdovvne ahseived that vvlut the
Goveinineut proposed was that all offices in InJn should be
by hvv open to the Natives ot th vt countrv

“Loid Ellenboiough said such was precisely the pronosi
tion of (ioveiiimtnt, but our very e\i tense iii India depended
upon the exclusion ol the Natives from uiihtaiy and pillbical
power m til it eountiy. Wo were there in a situ vtuu not of
om own seeking, in a situation from which we oou'd not
lacede without producing bloodshed (loui o'la enl ot India to
the other We had won the Eiiip re of fndivhjthc swohI,
and we must piaserve it by the s inieme ms, doing at the sime
time everything that ivaj couai, tent with oui e'lsteiice there
for the good of the people ”

Macaulay fully answers Lord Ellenboiough

Vol XIX, Third Senes, p j J J
July loth, 1^3)

Mr Macaulay —

“ I have detained the House so bng, on, thit I will dofei
what I had to say in some puts ot this meisure — iiiipoituit
parts, indeed but far less importjinb as I think than Iho^o to
which I hive adverted, till vve arc m Comaiittce Theia is,
howeva, one put of the Billon vvhisli, after vvliathvs ie-eiit’\
pas ed olsewliere, I feel myself irnsi-iiibly iiupcllpn to siiy a few
words I divide to that vvise,^ thit benevolent, that noble
clause, vvhisu enacts thit no Native of our Indian Empite
bhvll, by reason of his coloui, his descent, or his leligion, be
incapable of bolding office \t the risk of beiug called bv
that iirkname which isr^gaidedas the moat opprobrious ot all
nioknimes by men ot selhsb hearts and coutiaotad ininds — vt
the risk of being called a philosophai — I must say that, tin,
31-26

40G

UVD'^liHAI NVOROJI’S WRITINGS

last daii ot mi/ hit, I shalU e piLud of kainh/ been oi e thow
II ho nsasU'l i" the liamin,, ufihe JJ’ll wiiicji innlaini Hiat danse
AVe aie toU tli.it the time ean uevpi come when the Natives
ot India can be idmitted to high civil and iiiilitaii othce IVe
me told that this is the condition on which «e hold oiii power
We aie told that wp aiP bound +o eonfei on oui f.ub]eels —
Cl eiy beneht whieh thej aie capable of enjoying — no — which
it IS in 0111 pouei to conlei on them? — no — but which we can
oonfei on them without ha/iud to oui own dominution
" Against that pioposition I solemnlv protest as inconsistent
alike with sound policy ind sound moialitv ”

“I am fai, veiy fai fiora wishing to pioceed hiistily in this
most delicate luattei I feel that, foi the good ot India itsrlf,
the admission ot Natives to high othce must be etlectocl by
alow degrees But that when the fullness ot tune is ooiiie,
when the iiiteiest of India lequites the change wo ought to
refuse to make ibat change lest we should endmigei oui
own pow'ei - this IS a docUine which I cannot think of
without indignation (xoveininents, like men, may buy
existence too deal “ Pioptei vitaiii \ivendi piorleio causas,’
IS a despicable policy oithei in individuals oi in States
In the piesent case, such a polity would be not oiilv despio-
iblr, but absurd ” The inoie extent of empiic is not neces-
aaiily an advantage To many Goveinments it has been ouni
beisorae , to soma ithas been f.ital It will be allowed byeveiy
statesman of oui tim., that the piosperity of .i coniinunity
13 made up of the piospeiits of those who compose the com
munity, and that it " is the most childish ambition to covet
dominion which adds to no man’s comfoit oi seouuty ” To
the gieat tiadiiig nition to the gieat manutaetuung nation,
no piogiesa which any portion ot the human laoe can make
in knowledge, m taste loi the convemciicca of life, oi m the
wealth by which those oonvenicnces are pioduoed, cm be
niattei of incTifterenee It is scaioely posail lo to ciilcutate the
benefits which we might deiive fioin the diffusion of Einopean
civilisation niuong the vastp pulationof the Esst " It would
be, on the most selfish view of the case, fai hettei foi us that
the people of India were well governed and indepcndPiit of us,
th.inill-goveined and subject to us”— that they weie luled by
their own kings, hut we.uing oui binad cloth, and w'oiking
with OUI eutlei y, tuan that they weie perfoiming then siikmms
to English Collcetors and English Magistiates, but weie
too ignoiant to value, oi too poor to buy, English iniinu-
factures. To tiade with civilised men is infinitely nioie piofit
able thsn to govern savages “That would indeed be a
doting wisdom, which, in oidei that India might leiuam a

INDIANS IN COVEN \NTBD CIVIL SEKVIOB 407

deijcndenoy, would kepp it a us>ele‘ia and costly dependencj —
■which would keep a huiiuied milliona of men fiom beinp, oui
custouieLi in oijei thit the^ might continue to be oui slaves,

" It vvaa, IS Beiniei tells Ua, the piactice of the tmaeiabla
tji inta whom he found in India, when they dieaded the eapa
city and spuit of soini, distinguiblied subject, and yet could
not %tntuie to uiuidei him, to adnnui&tei to him a daily dose
of the ponsta, a piep nation of opium, the etfect of which was
in a few months to destroy all the bodily and mental poweis of
the wietch who was diugged with it, and to tuin him into a
helploib idiot

“ Thit deteatable artihce, iiioie hoiiible than assassm i
tiou itself, was woithy of those who employed it It is no
model foi the linghsh nation We shall nevei consent to
iidministi’i the pousta to s whole oommuoity — to stupefy and
paialyse a gieit people, whom (iod has committed to oui
chaige, foi the wietched purpose oi lendaiing them moie
amenable to our contiol What is that power woith which
IS founded on vice, on ignoiance, and on miseiy — which we
can held only by violating the most sacied duties which as
goveinoia yve owe to the gcyeined — yvhiih is n people blessed
yvibh fai moie than an oidiniiy in“asure of political libeity
and of mtelleotiial light, yve oyve to a laoe debased by thiee
thousand yeais of despotism and priestciaft ' We aie free,
we aie civilised to little puipose, if yve grudge to any poition
of the hum in lace an equal uieasiua of fieedoiii and civilisa

“Aio we to keep the people of India igiioiant in oidei
that yve may keep them submisaiye ? Oi do yve think that we
can gue them knowledge yvithout ayvikenmg ambition ? Oi
do we mean to awaken ambition and to provide it with no
legitimate vent ? Who yyill answer any of these questions in
the affirmatne ? Yet one of them must be ansyveied m the
afhtmaiive by eyei y peison who maintains that iva ought pei
manently to evclnde the Natives fiom high office “Ihaye
no feus The path of duty is plain befoie us , and it is also
the pith of wisJoin, of national prospeiity, of nation il
hononi

“ The destmiPb of oui Indian Empiie aie coveied yvith
thick daiknpss It n difficult to taira any conjecture as to
the fata leservod foi a State yvhich lesembleb no otlierin histoiy,
and wh'oh forms by itself a separate class of political pheno
mena The layvs which regulate its growth and its decay aie
still ununoivn to us It may be that the public mind of
India may expand undei our system till it has outgroyvn that

108 DADABHAI NAOHOJI’S WEITINQS.

system , thit by good go\ei niuent wa may educate our sub
lecta into a capacity tot better goveinment, that, having
□ocome lustiucted m ILuiopean knowledge, they may, in seine
'utiire age, demand Euiopaan institutions Whether such a
lay will ever tome I know not But revei will I attempt
;o aieit oi to let.xid it Whenevei it comes, it will be the
moudest diy in English histoiy To have found a gioat
people sunk in the lowest depth, of slavery and siipeistition,
io liive so luled them as to have mide them desiions and
japaliie of ill the piivileges of, citi'^eub would indeed he a
iitle to " glory all oiu own " The seeptie may pass away
ioin ua Unfoieseen locidents may derange our most pro
ound schemes cf polii \ V'letory may be inconstant to cm
Lims But there aie triumphs which aie followed by no
■everaes There is an empiie exempt from all natural dimes
)f decay Those tiiumphs aia the pacifao triumphs of lei^on
)V0t barbarism , thit eiiipiic is the uiipeiishablo cmpue of oui
irts and oui nioi ils, oui hteiatuie, and om layv ”

Yol XIX, Thud Senes, p 630
July 10, 1811,

Ml Wynn —

“In nothing, liovevei, iiioie nmospivedly did he igu e
vith the hon’ble uienibei than in the sentiinouta which bo so
orcibly iinpiessed on the House at the cloasot his speech "He
iiid been convmeed, ever since he yvas faist oonneoted with
iha aftaiis of India, that the only pimciple on which that Em
lua could justly oi yviscly oi advantigcously be admiuistoied
ivas that of admitting the Natues to v participation in the
jovernment, and allowing them to hold every oihce the duties
if which they were competent to dischn-ge ’ That pilnciple
aad been supported by the authority of tiu Tliomas Munio,
ind of the ablest functioniuies in Ind'a, and been lesist
jd with no small peitmacitv and picjndioe It had beau
urged that the Natives weie undeserving of tiust, that
no dependence could be placed on then integiity, yyhat
ever might be then talents and ospioity, which no one
disputed Instances were adduced of then coriuption and
venality — “but weie they not tho result of oin oonduot
bowaids themi’’' Duties of Importnnco devolved upon them
without any adequate lemnneiation either in i ink oi salaiy
Theta yvas no reward oi piomotion for fadeiity , and why then
complain of peculation and hiiboiy “We made vices and
then punished them , we reduced men to slavery nnd then
repioached them with the faults of slaves ’’

INDIANS IN C'OVBNANTRD CIVIL SERVICE 409

Vol XIX Third Series, p 547
July loth, 1833

Mr Charles Grant, m leplying, said —

" He would ulveit veis’ b'lefly to some of tbe suggestions
which had been ottered in the couioe of this debate Befoie
doing £.0, be must hist embnioo the O[jpoituuitj of espreasing
not what he felt, foi language could not espiess it, but of
inalung an attempt to coniev to the House his sympathy with
it in its admiiawoii ot the speech of his hon’ble and learned
triend the niemberfoi Leeds — a speech wbioti, he would \eniuie
to assert, had novel been e\c08ded within those walls for the
development of statesuianlilie policy ,ind piactic-al good sense
It oxhibitod all that was noble lo orvtoiy, all that was sub-
lime, ha hid iilii ost said, in poetiy— all that was tmly gieat,
exalted, and vutiious m human nacuie If the House at l.irge
lelt a deep mteiest in this magnificent display it might judge
of what weie his emotions when he peioeivad lu the hands ot
his hon’ble fnend the great pimciples be bad propounded to
the House glowing with fresh colours and arrayed in all the
beauty ot tiutb

‘‘ If one cncuinstanoe inoie thin another could give him
satisfaotion it was that the mnn punoiple of this Bill bad re
oeived the appiobation ot the House, and that the House was
now legislating tor India and the people ot India on the great
and just pimoiplc that in doing so the interests of the people
of India should he piincipally consulted, and that ail other
intaiests of weilth, of commeice, and of levemie, should be as
nothing oomp,ired with the paramount obligation imposed
upon the legislature of promoting the welfare and prospeuty of
that gieat Euipue which Piovidence had placed in our hands

" Convinced as ha was of the neoessibv ot admitting Euro-
peans to India, he would not consent to lemove a single re
stiiotion on their admission unless it was consistent with the
interests ot the Natives Provide for then protection and
then thiow open wide the dours of those magnifacent regions
and admit subjects theie — not as aliens, not as culpiits, but
rs friends In spits of the diflerence between the two peoples,
in spite of the dillerenoe of then religious, there was a sym
pathy which he was persuaded would unite them, and ha
looLed forward with hope and eagerness to the “ rich harvest
of blessings which he trusted would flow from the present
measure. ’’

410

DAD vim \I NAOCOJI’S WRlTINtlS

Page G24, July Uth 1833

Ml Wv'NN —

“ He could not subseiibe to the ))crftcfcion of system
th it bid hitherto piei.uled in India, foi, he could not toiget
that the Natives and half caitea vveie excluded fiom all ein
plojiiient 111 situations where they could he moie eflective
than Europeans and at a much smaller cost " The piiiiciple
of employing those peiaons he considerod to he osiential to
the good Goieriinient ol India,” ^nd he could not applaud
that system iihn-li had been founded on a violation of that
pimciple ”

Vol XX , Thud Senes, p 223,
Aiirjusi 6ih, 1838

Duke of Wellington —

"Then with iQipect to the clause decUiing the Natives to
be eligible to all situations Why was that deolaiatioii made
in thoface of legul.ition pieventiiig its being earned into eliact ’
It was .1 meie deception It might, to a i ousiJeiable extent,
be applicable in the capitals of the Plesldenoies , hut, in the
intenoi, as appealed by the evidence of I\fi Elphinstone,
and by that of evaiy laapectable authoiity, it was unpraoti
cable Heceitaiuly chought that it was advisable to admit
the Natives to coitum inferioi civil and other otfioes , but the
higher ones must as yet be closed igainst them, if oin
Empire m India was to be maintained ”

Aftet such exhaustive consicleiation fiom all poli-
tical, impeiial, and social aspects, the following, '' ihut
wise, that benevolent, that noble cliuses, " was clelibeiate-
ly enacted by the Pailiament of this country— worthy
of the iighteousness, justice, and noble instincts of the
British people in the true Biitish spiiife

3 and 4 'William IV , cap 85 1833

“ That no native of the said tanitoiies, nor any natmal
hoiii subject of his Majesty resident therein, shad, by reason
only of hib lehgion, place of birth, descent, ooloui, oi any of
them, be disab ed fioiu holding any place, oflace, oi emploj
ment undci the said Company ”

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE 411

Hot C-2376. 1879, p 13

" The Gouifc of Diiactois mteipreteJ this Act m an
explaining despatch in the following words —

" The Oomt conceive this section to iiiLin that “there
sli ill be nti toieining ".istc in Biitisli India” , that whatever
other tests of tpiilihc ition may be adopted, dutiiiotion of i ace
or leligion shiill not be of the iiumbei , thit no subject of the
Kiug, whethei of Indian oi Biituli oi luiaed desient, shall bo
excluded fiom the pnst-i nsualli tonfeiied on fjncovenanted
seivants in India, < i fium the C(ntuaul<d Seiiice tUelr, piovided
he be otheiwise eligible ”

After this explanation by the Couit of Duectorsi
how did they behave ''

Dating the twenty yeais of their Chaitei, to the
yeai 1853, they made the Act and then own explana-
tion a complete dead lettei Thej did not at all take
any steps to give the slightest oppoitunity to Indians
for a single appointment to the Covenanted Civil Sei-
vice, to which m> statement chiefly lefeih , though the
British people and Pailiament aie no paity to this un-
faithfulness, and novel meant that the Act should
remain a sham and delusion

Twenty yeais passed, and the levision of the Com-
pany’s Chartei again came befoie Paihament in 185d ,
and if anything was moie insisted on and bewailed than
anothei, it was the neglect of the authoiities to give
effeot to the Act of 1833 The pimciples of 1833 were
moie emphatically insisted on I would just give a few
extracts fiom the speeches of some of the most eminent
statesmen in the debate on the Chartei

Hansatd, Vol 120, p 865
A pill mil, 185ii

Ml Golbeurn —

“SirThom.ia Munio had said— Thera is one gieat question
to which we should look in all om .ur.vngements, namely

412 DADABHAI NAOHOJl’S WHITINGS

wbafc IB to be tbe final result of oui goveiniuent on the cli'iiae-
tei of the people, and whether that cbnr.ictei will be raised or
lowered Aie wo to be satisfied with meipl5 securing our
powei and protecting the inhabitants, leaving them to sink
gradually in cbaiactei loner than at present, or ait wo to en
deavour to rnise their character ? It ought undoubtedly to be
our aim to raise the minds of the Nati.'es, and to take care
that whenever our connettion nuh India shall cease, it shall
not appear that the only fruit of our dominion had been to
leave tbe people inoie abject than when we found them It
would certainly be more desirable we should be expelled tiom
the country altogether, than that our system of gov eminent
should be such an abasement of a whole people ”

Hamanl, Vol 121, p 49G ^
May nth, 1 S 52 '

Lord Monteagle, in piesenting a petition to the
House of Lords, said —

“But a clause recommended or auppoited as be believed
by the high authority of Lord William Bcntinck was made
part of the last Charter Act of tbe 3id and 4th William IV,
and affirmed the principle of an opposite policy It was to
tbe following effect Yet notwithstanding his ,iuthor

ity, notwithstanding likewise the result of the experiment
tried and the spirit of the clause he had cited, thfie had been
a piaotieal exclusion of them from all ‘Covenanted bei vices,’
as they weie called, from tbe passing of the last Obaiter up to
the present time ’’

Uansaid, Vol, 127, p I,1R4
Juiie 3rd, 1853

Mr Bright —

“ Another subject requiring close attention on the part of
Parliament was the employment of the Natues of India in the
service of the Government. The Bight Hon’ble Member for
Edinburgh (Mr Macaulay), in proposing the India Bill of 1883
had dwelt on one of its clauses, which provided that neither
Colour nor casta nor religion nor place of birth should be a bar to
the employment of persons by the Govainment , whereas, as
matter of fact, from that time to this no person m India had
been so employed who might nob have been equally employed
befoie that clause was enacted , and from the statement of the
Eight Hon’ble gentleman the President of the Board of Control,

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE 413

thatit waa ptojjo'ied to keep up the Covenanted Service system,
it waa deal that this most objectionable and most otfensivc state
of things waa to continue Mr Cameron, a gentleimn thoiough
ly veibtd in the subject, as fourth Meinbei of Council in India,
CiGBident of the Indmn Law Coinimssion, ind of the Council of
Ldiiciition foi Bengal- what did he say on this point? He
said “ The statute of 1HI13 made the Natives of Iiida ‘ eligible
to all ofliceB’ undo! the ooinpanj But duiing the twmty
yens that liaie since elapsed not one of the N itivea has been
appointed to any offices eveept such as thev MCie eligible to
befoia the st ilute ”

Hansaid Vol 128, p 7 .j9, 1863
Macaulay said ~

“In my opinion we shall not secure oi pioloiig out
dominion in India by attempting to exolndetho Natives of that
countiy fiom a shaie in its government” [ConUmyomi
Rnneic, June, 18Sd, p oO'l )

Hansard, Vol 128, p 986
Jana 30th, 18^3

Mr Eioh —

“ But if the Oise as to the Native military was a stioug
one, it was much stiongec as to civihane It hid been
admitted tint ninety five pei cent of the aduiinistiition of
jnstioo was dischaiged by Native judges Thus thoj hid the
woik, the hard work , hue the places of honoui and eincluraent
were leseived foi the CoveiiauteU Seivici — the fi lends and
lelatives of the diiectois Was it just that the whole woik,
the heat and laboui of the day, shou'd be borne by Nitives
and all the piues leseived foi Europeans’ Was it politic
to continue such a system ’ Thev might turn up the whites
of their eyes and exclaim at Ameiican persistence in slavery.
There the hard work was done by the negro whilst the coutiol
and enjoyment of p olit and j'owei weie foi the Ameucon
Was outs ditierent in India ? What did Mill lay down Euro-
pean oontiol— Native agency And whnt was the transla
tion of that’ ' White power, black slaveiy ’ Was this just,
or was it wise ? Mill said it was necessary in oidci to obtain
lespeot flora the Natives But he (Mr Rich) had yet to leaiii
that injustice was the pnient of respect Real respect giew
out of com non Beivioe, common emulation, and common
lights impaitially upheld We must underpin our Empire by
such pimoiples, oi some line morning it would crumble
beneath our feet Bo long as he had a voice in thit House it

414 DA.DABHAI NAOBOJI'S WEITINGS

should be wised in favoui of ndmiUing oiii Nitiva fellow
snbjaelis m India to all places to winch their abilities and
conduct should entitle thi in to use ”

Hrmsaid, Vol 129, p 581

Jiilv n’it, iHr.,i

Ml Monctun Milmes —

“ Objeclionable as he believed many paits of the Bill vveie,
he eoii&ideied this was the most objectionable poition, and
fioLu it. Mn nnhappv conseijncnces might niso When the
Kativ PS of India, heaid It pinclaiiiied, that they had a light
to ontei the service of the company, they would by then own
intelligence and ability lendei themselves iiutlihed foi tliat
seivice, it tbev only bad the means of doing so Then one of
the two consequences would follow They would eithei find
then vv.iy into the sei vice, oi else the company ivouldhivo
aiiujed against them a spirit of discontent on the ji.nt of the
whole people of India, the result of which it would bo difiioult
to foiescp He did not see on what pimoiples of justice, if
thov once admitted the pimoiple of open competition, they
could say to the Natives of Indi.i they had not a peifect light
to eiitei the service ”

Hatiwcl, Vol 129, p GGj
July ‘i2nd, 185, J

Ml J G Phillimoee quotes Loid William Ben-
tinck —

" ‘The bane of oui system’ is nob solely that the Civil
Administration is entirely in the hanjils of foieigiieis, hut the
holders of this monopoly, the pations of these foioign iigeots,
aie those who exercise its directing powei at home , that this
diiecting powei la exclusively paid by pibronage, and tint the
value of the patronage depends exactly upon the degiee m
which all the honouia and emoluments of the State aie
engiossed by their clients to the exclusion of the Natives
Theie exists, in consequence, on the paib of the home
authoiib.es, an interest in the Administration piecisely similai
to what foiineily pievailed as to commerce, ‘ and duectly
opposed to the welfare of India ’ ”

Though open competition was mtioduced, the
monopoly of the Buiopeans and the injustice and injuiy
to the Indians was allowed to continue by lefusing to

INDIANS IN COVENANTEJJ CIVIL SERVICE 115

the Indians simultaneous examinations in India as the
only method ol justice to them, as will he seen luithei on

Ml Eich and Loid Stanley (the late Loid Deiby)
then emphatically put then hngeis upon this black
plague-spot in system of British Eule

Ilanscnd Vol 1‘30. p G82
JiilU

Ml Eich laised the question -whethei oi not the
Natives weie to bo admitted to the Gompany's Coi'cmnit-
ed Sctuito He said —

“As icgaidetl employment in the public semoc, the
Natives were pUced in a woi=e position bv the present Bill than
they weie hefoie Tin intention of the Act of 181J v\i s to open
the seivices to the Natives , and suiely now, when oin Indian
Empue was luoic seeme tl an it was ut that time, it was not
wise to deviate fiom '■nch a line, of policy Ills object wvs
that all oihees in India should be ettectivelv opened to Natives,
ind theieforo he would nou leqmie them to come ovet to this
oountiy foi ewiniu ition, as such a i ondition would necessarily
entail on Natives of India gicat cvpcii' e, expose them to the
risk of losing paste, ai d tbeiebj npeiato a" u bai against then
olitaining the idvantages held out to dl otlici of Her Majesty's
subjects The Pnuise of education through which the youth
of India at piesent went at the estuhlishtd colleges in that
couiitiy affoided the most stutiafactoiy proof of then cthciency
foi discharging the duties of office

" This was not just oi v ise, and would infallibly laid to a
most dangeious agitation, by which in a few yeais that “which
would now be accepted as a boon Viould be wrested tioni the
Legislature as a right ’’ They had opened the touimerca of
India in spite of the cioaUeis of the day ‘Let them now
open the posts of govunineiit to the Natives, and they would
h IV 8 a more happy and contented people ”

Hansaul, Vol 129, p 684
July Sind, 1H36

Loul Stanley —

" He could not lefiain from expiessing his conviction that,
in lefusing to cany on e caminations in India as well as in

416 DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WHITINGS

Fnglaml— X thing that was eisilj’ pncticable— the GovoLninenb
weie, in fact, negativing that which thej' declaied to be one of
the inincipil objects of then Bill, and confining the civil
gen ice, as heietofoie, to Englwhiiien “ Tliat result was
unjust, and he believed it would be most peimcioug ”

fluiiMtd, Vol 129, p 784
July 18!j3

Lord Stanley

“ Lot them suppose, foi instance, tliat instead of holding
those e\aiuiDdtious heie in London, that they weic to be held
in Calcutti Well, how many Englishmen would go out thoie
— or how miny would send out then sons, peibaps to spend
two 01 thiee years m the oountiy on the chance of obtuning
an appointment 1 “ Nevertheless, that was exactly the course
proposed to be adopted towmds the Natives of India ”

Haiisai cl, Vol 129, p 778
July 2Qth, 1853

Mt Bhight SMd —

" That the motion now before the Coimiiittee involved the
question which had been laised before during these discussions,
but which had novel been fairly met by the President of
the Board of Contiol, namely, whethei the clause in the Act
of 18d3, which had been so often alluded to, had not up to
this tune been altogether a nullity If any doubt had been
entertained with lespect to the object of that clause, it would
be lemoved by lefeience to the anaweis given by the then
Pie&ident of the Board of Oontiol to the bon’ ble member foi
Montrose ,vncl to the speech of the light hon’ble gentlomiui the
present member foi Edinbuigh (Mi Macaulay), in both of
which It was distinctly declaied that the object was to break
down the bariieis which weie supposed to exist to the ad
mission of the Natives as welt as Euiopeans to high offices in
India And yet theie was the best authoiity foi saying that
nothing whatever bad bean done m consequence of that clause.
He (Ml Blight) did not know of a single case where a Native
of India had been admitted to any office since that time, more
distinguished or more highly paid than he would have been
competent to fill had that clause been not passed "

INDIANS IN OOVENANTiy? CIVIL SERVICE 417

Hansard, Vol 129, p 787,
July 25bh ]fl53.

Ml Moncton Milnes said —

" He thought, the Bill wa<i highly objeetionahle in thii=
respect that while it pietended to lay down the ganeious
principle that no condition of coloui eieed or caste was to be
regaidcd as a disqualitioation toi office, it hiirapercd the
principle with such regulations and inodifioationa as would
render it all but impossible for tho Natives to avail themselves
of it The Hill in this respect was a delusion and would prove
a souioe of ohionic and peimanent hscontent to the people
of India '

Barnard, Yol 129, p 788.
July ‘ioth, ]S5J

Mr J G PhilTjIMORE said —

" He also feared that the Bill would piove delusive, and that
although it professed to do justice to the Natives thr “ spiiit
of monopoly would still Might the hopes and break the spirits
of tho Indian people. While such a state of things continued
India would he .ittached to thr countiy by no bond of .iffec
tion,”but would he lelaiiied b\ the powei of the Army and
the tirior of the sword Ha imploied of the Comuiittee “not
to allow such an Enipiie to bo governed in the luiaeiiible
spirit of monopoly and exclusion ”

Will fche piasent statesmen evei leain tlustiuth’’
Is it a wonder that the British people aie losing the
affections of the Indian people ^

Hnnsatd, Vol 129, p 1,3J5
August Sth, 1853

Earl Granville —

“ I foi one, speaking individually, hive iievei felt the
slightest alaiin at Natives, well qualified and failed for public
employment., being employed lu any Mianch of the public
service of India ”

Thus began the second chaptei of this molancholy
history with the continuation of the same spirit of selfish-
ness which had characteiised the pievious twenty years,

418

DA.DVBHAI N\0E0JI’S WKITKVGS

With the t-leai knowledge of fcne gioss injustice to the
Indians by not allowing them the same facility as was
allowed to English youths, by simultaneous examinations
in India and England This injustice continued till the
second chaptei ended in the Mutiny ot 18 j7, and theiule
passed fiom the Company to the Ciown

The thud chaptei from that time began again witli
the levival of gieat hopes — that, howevei unfoitunate aiul
deplorable the Mutiny was, one gieat good spiang fiom
that evil The consoienoe of the Biitish people was
awakened to all pievious injustice and dishonoui bioughfc
upon them by then servants, and to a sense oi then own
duty A new era opened, brighter far brighter, than
even that of the Act of 1833

Not only was the Act ot 183d allowed to continue a
living leality, at least m word, but lu directing the mode
of future services the Act of 1858 left it comprehensively
open to adopt any plan demanded by justice It did not
indicate in the sljghtest degiee prevention or exclusion of
Indians from any seivica ot from simultaneous examina-
tions in India and England, or ol any mode of admission
of Indians into the Covenanted Civil Service, or of doing
egual justice to all Her Majesty’s natmal-boin subjects
I shall show further on the mteipietation by the Civil
Service Commissioners themselves

The sections of the Act of 1858 are as follows —

1 — 21 22 Vio , cap 106, "An Act for the hotter govern-
ment of Injia’’ (2Dd August, ISIS) Section 23 provides
that —

“ With .ill com enient speed aftei the passing of this iofc,
legnlationa shall be made by the Secretary of State in Oonnoil,
with the advice and aaaistanoe ot the Commissioners foi the
time bomg acting in execution of Hei Majesty's Older m
Council of Twenty first May, One thousand, eight bundled,
and fatty five, ' toi regulating the admission of persons to the

INDIANS IN COVENANTLl) CIVIL SERVICE -119

Ci\il SeiMce of tlio Giown,’ for adiDitting dll persons being
ndtmil boin subjicts of Hei Ilajesty ^anf] of siii-h age and
qulifac ition as in'v be piesciibed in this behalf) '■'’bo ‘oaj' be
desirous of betoming candidates foi ippointinent to the Civil
fsei vices of ludm to be examined as candidates accordingly,
and foi piesciibing the blanches of Knowledge in which such
candid i es shall be e\ imined, and geneialiy foi legulaliug and
conducting such exuiniiiatioiis under the supeimtendence
of the Slid last mentioned commissioneis, oi of the persons foi
the time being entrusted with the curbing out oi nich legula
tions as ui \y bo from time to time estahlisned by Hei Majesty
for oxaniinntion ecrtihoate, oi other test of fatness m lela-
tion to appointments to junior situations m the Civil fiei
vices of the Clown, and the. candidates who maj be otitihed
by the said Commissioneis oi othci poisons as iifoie
said to bo entitled undei such legulations shall be lecoiu
minded foi appointment accoidmg to the older of then
piohciency as shown oy such examinations, and such peisoiis
only is shall luive been so ceitihed at atoicsaid shall be .ippoint
ed 01 admitted to the Civil Sei'ioos of India by the Secret uy
of State in Council Provided ahvvys, that all regulations to bo
made by the said Seciobaiy of State in Council under this Act
shall be laid befoife Pailiamcnt within fouiteen days after the
mailing theieof, if Parliament be sitting, and, it Pailiament ne
not sitting, then within fourteen days iftei the next meeting
theieof ’’

2 — The same Act, Cap lOG, Sect 34, piovideb —

“ IVith all convenient speed aftci the commciicoment of
this Act, legulations shall be made for admitting any peiaons
“ being natnril born subjects ot Her Majesty ” f,ind of such ,ig 6
rind qualihcatiODs as may be uiesctibed m this behill) who
may be desitous of becoming candidates foi cadetships in the
Enginecis rind in the Artillery, to be examined as candidates
a ooulinglj, and foi prescribing the hirinches ot knowledge in
whnh sucli cimlidites shill ha examined, and geneially tui
regulating ind conducting such eximinitions ”

Though this Suction does not impose any disability
on an Indian — £oi it piovides foi ‘‘any peisons being
natnial-boin subjects of Hei Majesty ” — yet an Indian
IS totally excluded fiom such examination As I have
already placed before the Commission my ooriespondence
yyith the Afar Office, I need not say moie

420

DADABHAI NAOROJi’S WRITINGS

3 — Sections 35 and 36 piovide —

“ Not less than one-tenth of the whole mimboi of peisona
to bu ie(.ouiiueudod in my voai foi niilitaiy cadataliipa (othei
than t-adetahips in the Engineers and A.rtilleiy) shall be select
ed iiccoiding to such legiilations as the Secretaiy of Stata m
Council may from time to tune make in this behalf flora among
the sous of potsons who have soiled in Jiiduv in the tnilitii y
oi cull -.ei vices of Hei Majesty, or of the East India Ooiupany ”
“ lixcept as aforesaid, all persons to he leioiamoiniod foi
inilitarj cadetships shall be nominated by the Beoretai v of
State and Merabeis of Oounoil, so that out of sevontoen
nominatio IS lae ScOietiry of State shall have taoaiid each
Menibei of Count il shall have one , but no poison so nominated
shall be recommended unless the nomination be approved of
by the Secictsiy of State in Council "

In these sections also there is no exclusion of
Indians

But the Soveioign and the people did not test even
tvifch such compiehensive enactments by Parliament
They explicitly emphasised and removed any possible
doubt with legaid to the fiee and equal treatment of
all Her Majesty’s natuial boin subjects without any
distinction of race, coloui, or cieed

Thus, on the isb Novembei, 18-58, followed the gieat
and glorious Pioclamabion by the Sovereign on behalf of
the British people our complete “ gieat charter ” of oui
national and political rights of Biitish citizenship and Of
peifect equality m all the services of the Soveieign — a
pioolamation the like of which had never been pioolaimed
in the history of the woild under similai cucumstanoes.
Heie are the special clauses of that Proclamation —
" VVe hold ouiseUea bound to the Nativea of our Indian
terntorieb by the “ eame obligationa of duty which bind us to
all ouL obhei ‘.ubjeots,” and those obligations, by the blessing
of Almighty God, wo shall “faithfully and consoiontiously ’’
fulfil ’’

“ And it H om fiuther will that, so fai as may be, oui Sub
jeots, of whatcvei lace oi oieod, be freely and iinpaiUally

INDIANS IN CONVENANTED CIVIL SEEVICE 431

admitted to ofeoea in our servioe, the duties of which the\ maj
be qualified, by theu education, ability, and mtegiitj , duly to
ilfcoharge.”

“ In their pioaperity will be our atiength, in then content
_ment our security, and in their gratitude om best reward
And may the God of all Power giant to ua, and to those in
authority under us, strength to cany out these our wishes for
the good of our people ’’

Such was the noblest Pioclainatiou of 1858 What
moie could we ask, and what bonds of giatitude and
affection, and what vast ben 0 fiji& to both countries, waie
evpeoted to tie us to the connection with Britain by a
loyal and honourable fulfilment of it ^

Yea, I was m Bombay when this glad — I may almost
say divine — message to India was proclaimed there to a
singing crowd What rejoicings, what fireworks, illumi-
nations, and the roar of cannon 1 What joy ran through
the length and breadth of India, of a second and firm
emancipation, of a new British political life, forgetting
and forgiving all- the past evil and hoping for a better
future ' What were the feelmgs of tlie people ' How
deep loyalty and faith in Biitain was rekindled ' It was
said over and over again Let this Pioclamation be faith-
fully and conscientiously fulfilled, and England maj rest
secure and m strength upon the giatitude and content-
ment of the people — as the Proclamation had closed its
last words of prayer

Now, when I look back to-day to that day of joy ,
how I feel how all this was doomed to disappointment,
with the addition of some even woise features, of dis-
honour, injustice, and selfishness However, I must
proceed with the sad tale

Not long aftei Her Majesty’s Pioclamation of 1358,
a Committee was appointed by the Secretary of State
for India of the following membeis of his own Council

422

I)ADA.BHAI NAOKOJI’S WRITINGS

Sir J. P Willoughby, IMr Mangles, Mr Arbuthnofc, Mi
Maeuaghten, and Sir Biskine Peiiy, all Anglo-Indians
This Committee made its lepoit on 20th January, 1860,
fiom which I give the lollowing extracts on the subject
of the pledge of the Act of 1833 —

“ 2 AVe Bie m the fiiat place “ nnammously ” of opinion
that it 18 not only just, but expedient, that the Natives of
India shall be employed in the .idministiation of India to as
large an extent as possible consistently with the maintenanoe
ot Biitish supiemaoy, and have considered whether any in
creased facilities can be given in this diiection

“3 It IS tine that, even at piesent, no positive disquali
fioation exists By Act d and 4 AVui. IV, cap. 85, see 87, it
18 enacted ‘that no Native of the said teiiitories nor any natu
lal born subject of His Majesty lesidcnt therein shall, by
leason only of his leligion, place of biith descent, colour, or any
of them, be disabled fiom holding any place, ofhoe, or employ
luent undoi the said Company ’ It is obvious, therefore, that
when the competitive system was adopted, it could not have
been intended to exclude Natives of India from the Civil Sei
vice of India

“4. Practically, howevoi, they are excluded The law
declares them eligible, but the difficulties opposed to & Native
leaving India and lesidingm England for a time, aie so great
that, as a geneial rule, it is almost impossible foi a Native
successfully to complete at the periodical examinations held in
England. “ Where tins inequality removed, we should no
longei be exposed to the eborge of keeping promise to the ear
and breaking it to the hope.”

Two modes have been suggested by which the object
in view might be attained The first is, by allotting a eeitam
portion ot the total numbei of appointments declared in each
year to be competed foi in India by Natives, and by all other
natural bom subjects of Her Majesty resident m India The
second is to hold simultaneously two examinations, one
in England and one m India, both being, as fai as practicable,
identical m then nature, and those who compete in both coun-
tries being finally classified in one hat according to merit, by
the Civil Service Oommissioneis The Committee have ” no
hesitation in givmg the piefoienoe to the second scheme,” as
being the “ fan eat”, and the most in accoidanoe with the
jpiinoiples of a general competition tor a common object.

INDIANS IN 00VJi.NANTBD OIVID SBKVICE 4:23

“ 6 In oidei to aid them in carrjinf, out a acheme of this
'nature, the Committee ha\e consulted the Civil Service Ooin-
miaaioti, and, though the favoai of Sii Ednard Rjan, they
have obtained a v»rv able pajisr, in which the advantages and
disadvantages of oithei plan aie fully and lucidly discussed
They would solicit yonr oaiefiil oonsideiation of this doouiuent
and will only, in conclusion, add that, in the eientof eithei of
the plans being adopted, it will be i equisite to provide for the
second examination ot successful competitoia in India, as neai
ly as possible resembling that now lequiied in England The
Civil Service Couiuiiasioners do not anticipate much difficulty
in arranging for this The couiinittee, however, ate decidedly
of opinion that the e ■'^animation papeis on which the competi
tion IS to proceed in India and England should be identical ,
'but they think, in justice to the Natives, that thiea collo<juiai
Oriental languages, should be added to the three modern
European languages, so as to give the oandidetes the opportu
Dity of selection ”

I asked the Indian Ollioe bo give me a copy of the
“ very able paper " of the Oivil Service Commission above
aefeired to The India Office refused to give it to me
I was allowed to see it m the India Office, and I then
asked to be allowed to take a copy of it myself theie
and then. This even was refused to me. I ask this
OommisBion that this Report be obtained and be added
here.

The above forms a paib of the Report, the other
part being a consideration ol the advantages and dis-
advantages of an “exclusive” Coveuanted Civil Service
With this lattei part I have nothing to do here The
first part quoted above about the admission of Natives
into the Covenanted Civil Service was never as far as
I know pulilished

It is a significant fact that the Repoib of the Public
Service Commission on the two subjects of the so-called
“ Statutory ” Service and simultaneous examinations
being in accordance witb (what I believe and will show
further on) the detoimmed foregone conclusions of the

424. DAD\BH4I NAUEOJI’S WETTINGS

Goveinmenl; of India and the Secietaiy of State, was
published and is being lepeatedly used by Goveinment
in fa\om of then own pioceedings, while the Eeport
of 1860 of the Committee of five Members of Council
of the Secietaiy of State foi India was not only nevei
published by Goveinment as far as I know, but even
suppiessed m the Eetuin made in 1879 on “ Civil
Saivice” (Eetuin C |237G] 1879) Even the Public
Seivice Commission has not given, I think, the Eeport
of 1860

No action was taken on this pait of the Kepoit of
1860. This Eepoit was made thirty seven yeais ago,
and even so early as then it was considered, and strongly
recommended, that simultaneous examinations was the
only way of redeeming the honour of England and of
doing lustice to India The Eepoit was suppiessed and
put aside, as it did not suit the views of the Secretary
of State foi India, who himself had appointed the
Committee

Thus, the new stage of the Pioclamation of 1858,
with all the hopes and loy it had inspired, began so
eaily as 1860 to be a grievous disappointment and a
dead letter, just as dead as the Act of 1833

The next stage m this sad story is again a levival
of hope and joy in a small instalment of justice by a
partial fulfilment of all the pledges of 1833 and 1858.
This was a blight spot in the dark history of this
question, and the name of Sir Stafford Northcote will
never be effaced fiom oui hearts

Sad to say, it was to be again darkened with a
disappointment of a w'orse charactei than ever before
On August 13th, 1867, the East India Association con-
sidered the following memoiial proposed by me, and-

INDUNS IN COVEN ANTED CIVIL SBBVIOE 425

adopted ifc, for submission to Sii Stafford Norfchoote
(Lord Iddesleigh), the then Secietaiy of State for
India ; —

“We, the members of the Kist ToJia Association, beg
lespeotfully to anbmit that the time has come when it is
desirable to admit the N.itiveb of India to a larger shaie in the
admimstration of India than hitherto

“ To you. Sir, it is quite unnecessary to point out the
justice, necessity, and importanoo of this step, as in the
debate in Parliament, on May 24th lust, you have pointed out
this so einphatioally and cleaily that it is enough for u-, to
quote youi own noble and statesmanlike sentiments You
said ‘Nothing could be more wonderful than oui i^’inpira
m India , but we ought to consider on what conditions we
hold it and how oni predeceaaois hold it The greatness of the
Mogul Empire depended upon the liberal policy that w.is
pinsued b\ men like Akbar availing themselves of Hindu
talent and assistance and identifying Ihemselves as far as
possible with the people of the i ountry He thought that the\
ought to take a lesson from such a ciicumstancc, and if they
weia to do then duty towards India they could only discharge
that duty by obtaining the assistance and counsel of all uho
were gieat and good in that country It would be absiud in
them to say that theie was not a latge fund of statesmanship
and ability in the Ind'an chniactei’ (Tim,s of May 2,;th, IHUT)

“ With these friendly and just sentiments towaids the
people of India we fully ooncui, and therefoie instead of
tiespassiug any more upon your time, we beg to lay befoit
you our views aud the best mode ot accomplishing the object

“ We think that the competitive examination for a poition
-of the appointments to the Indian Cnil Service should be held
in India, under such lules and arrangements as you may think
proper What poition of the .ippointmenta should be thus
Competed for m India we cannot do bettei than leave to youi
own judgmenS. Vftei the selection is made in India, by the
first examination, we think it essential that the selei ted
candidates be lequirod to come to England to pass then
further examinations wtn the selected candidates of this
countiy

“ In the same spirit, and with kmdied objects iii view tor
the general good ot India, we would ask you to extend yom
kind encouragement to Native youths of promise and ability to
come to England for the completion ot their education. We
believe that if scholarships tenable foi fave years in this countiy

420 DADABHAI N40B0JIS WKITTNQb.

\\e.e to lie annually .ra aided by i omtietitive examinatiou in
Inch I to Native candidatoa between th a ages of fifteen and
seienfcean, soma would compete '.noc.essfulJy in England for
the Indian Civil Seiviee, while otlieis would letum in various
piofessionsto India , and wheia by degrees they ivouldfoim an
eiil ghtened and unpiejudicecl cla-,s, e\eieising a gicat and
benehtial influence on Native society, and oanstituting a link
between the niasses of the people and then KngUsh rnleie *

" In lav mg betoie yoa this momoiial wo feel aseuied, and
we tiust that yon will also agree with us, that this measme,
which has now become neceasaiy by the advancement of ediica
tion ip India, will piomota and stiangtheu the loyalty of the
Natives of India to the Biitish flule, while it will also be a
satisfaction to the British people to have thus by one more
instvnc e priotieally proved its desne to advance the condition
of then Indian fellow-subjectB, and to act justly by them.

•‘We need not point out to vou, Hir, how gieat an euooiir
ageinenb these examinations in India will be to education The
great prizes of the appointment will natuiallj increase \ vstly
the desire for education among the people ”

A deputation waited on Sii Stalford Noithcote on
2l3fc August, 1867, to piesent the petition la the
couiso of the conveisation, Colonel Sykes explained the
ohjeots, and after some fiuthor conveisation Sii Staf-
fold Northcote said —

" He had the question under consideration, and had con
veised with Sir Herbert Edwards and otheis on it, and Bu
Herbert had fumisbed him with a paper on it Two plans
were suggested— the one proposed that appointments should
be assigned for competition m India, the other that soholaiship
should be given to enable Natives to come to finish then
education in England. The first would ruanifestlj be the most
oonvement for the Natives themselves, but it was urged in
favour of the second that it would seeme a moie enterprising
class than the first— men with more backbone — and he admit-
ted the force of that. Moieover, ho cjuite saw the advantage
to India of a more efficient class which had had an English
tiaimng. He took a very gieat interest in the mattei, and
was inclined to approve both proposals He was ooiiespond
mg with Sir J Lawrence and the Indian Government on the

* This clause was an addition proposed by Sir Herbert
Edwards

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL Si^EVIOB 127

subject” {“Jouinal of the East Iiidm AssOLiatiOQ,” Vol I.,
pp 12b 7)

In 1868, Su Stafford Norfchcote, m paragraph 8 of
fais despatch, Eevenne No 10, of 8tli of ITebiuaiy, 1868,
said as below —

“ This IS a step in the light ditoctiou, of which I coidially
approve, hut it appears to me that theie is roon foi carrying
out the principle to a considerable extent in the legulation
piovincea also The Legislature has determined that the
more impoitant and leaponBihle appomtuieiits in those pro
Vinces ahall be admimstered exclusively by those who aie now
admitted to the public seivice solely by competition, but theie
18 a large class of appointments m the legulation as well aa in
the non regulation provinces, some of them scaicely less
honourable and lucrative than those reserved byliwfor the
Covenanted Civil Service, to which Natives of India have
certainly a preferential claim, but which, as you seem to admit,
have up to this time been too exclusively confei-red upon
Europeans “ These persons, however competent, not having
entered the service by the piesoiibed channel, can have no
claim upon the patronage of the Government, none, at least,
that ought to be allowed to override the inheiant rights of the
Natives of the country , and therefore, while all due consideia
tion should be shown to well deseivnig incumbents, both as
regards then piesent position and their promotion, theie can
be no valid leason why the class of appointments rvhich they
now hold should not be filled, m fiiluie, b-^ Natives of ability
and high ohaiaotei ”

I only note this here as what Sir Stafford Northcote
had prescribed and instructed the Government of India
for the Nneovenanted Services, hut which instructions
have also been made a dead lettei as usual — I do not m
this statement discuss this blanch ol tiro subject, viz , the
Uncovenanted Service, except for some short reference to
some subsequent grievous events I content myself with
an expression of the Duke of Argyll on what Sir Eiskine
Perry describes m bis “Memoiandum” addiessed to Loid
Salisbury on 9th Decembei, 187C, as “ the vicious prao*
tice, pupposed to be rapidly glowing up in India, of

428

DA.I)\Bn\I N'VOROH’S WHITINGS.

appointing Englwhmen to all the well paid uncovenanted
offices” The Duke of Argyll in his despatch (lOth
Match, 1870, Financial) said — •

" The piinciplo which Hei Majesty’s Government steadily
kept m \iew throughout the discussion on these furlough rules
IS, tb.i 1 the Uncovenanted .Service should be principally resei v
ed for the Natives of the ( ountry, and that superior appoint
ments, which leijuiie English tiaming and experience, should
be made rs heietofore in Enghind And they look with gie.^t
disfavoni on the sv stem which appears to be growing up in
India ol appointing Englishmen in India to situations that
ought only as a lule to ho filled by civilians by open competi-
tion ”

All such instiucfcions, as usual, are fch waited by what
Loid Lytton calls “ suhteifuges ” and great ingenuity

■While Sii Staffoid Northcote was oonsideiing,
mutteiing, and piepaiing to bung into action the peti-
tion of the East India Association, Mr, Fawcett, raised
the subject in the House of Commons Referring to
simultaneous evamiuations for the Covenanted Service,
he said —

HamauJ, Vol 191, pp 1,839 10
May 8th, 1868.

“ There would be no diiriculty m carrying out this plan.

Ills pioposal was that there should be examinations at
Calcutta, Madras and Bombay, that there should be the same
papers and the same test as in London, and the successful
candidates, whether English or Native, should spend two jea's
in this oountiy To this ho bad reason to believe, from memo
rials he had received from CalcutU and Bombay, the Natives
would not object, though they naturally objected to coming
Over to England m the first instance without any guainntee
•of success . All they asked for was to be subjected to
precisely the same tiial as the English. . . With reference
to then alleged inferionty of character he had asked what
would he the affect on English oharactei if we, having been
subjei ted, were debarred fiom all but the meanest offices of the
State Oui civilisation and oui liteiature would be destioyed
Nothing would save us fiom debasement. It was an India
putable fact that many Natives competent to govern a Bio-

INDIANS IN COVEN \NTED CIVIL SEBVIOB 429

mice were fulfilling the humblest duties at saluiies les-. than
was leeeived by the yohngest member of the Indian Civil
Seivice Loid Metcalf had well said that the bane of oui.
system was that the advantages were leaped by one class and
the woilc was done by another . . Sir JJartle Iftere, in one

of his despatches, said be had been much struck with the
fact that the ablest exponents of English policy and oiu best
eoadjutois m adapting that policy to the wants of the vaiious
nations occupying Indian soil were to be found among the
natives who hud reeeiiod i high class English education "

HsLiisaid, Yol 191, p 184 3
May »lh, 160‘i

Ml FawCEIT mored —

“ That this House whilst coidnlly appi o\ing of the sj item
of open ccinpet’tiou foi appointments m the East India Civil
Service, is of opinion that the people of India have not a fait
chance of competing foi these appointments, as long as the
examinations aie held nowheia butm London , this House
would theiefoie deem it desuable that simultaneously with
the examine tion in London, the same examination should be
held m Calcutta, Bombay and Madras ”

I may heie lemaik that at this time and till 1370
the Hepoit of the five Councillois of the India Ofhee of
18G0, whioli I hax’e given befoie, was not known to any-
ibody outside, and Mi Fawcett could not have known
anything about it

In the same speech fioin which a passage is extiact-
ed in the Memoiial of the East India Association, Sir
Staffoid Noithcote has said —

“ The English Government must necessarily labour uadei
great disndvautnges, and ‘ we should endeavour’ as far as
possible to develop the system of Native government, to bring
out Native talent and statLsmaiiship, and to enlist m the c.iuse
of government all that was great and good in them.”

The outcome of the petition of the East India
Association, Mr Fawcett’s motion, and Sii Stafford
JSIoithoote’fi favouiable leoaption of the petition, was

•130 DADVIiHM N\0J10JI^ ^^RITINGS

thaf; Su Staffoid Noithcoto iniioduced a clause m his
Bill entitled, ‘‘the Govenioi-Ooneial of India Bill ” to
qrant the fiist piayai of the petition , and the Govoi-
noi-Geaeial, Lord Lawienoe, publislied a Eesolution
on 30th June, 1868, to giant the second prayer of
the Memoiial, and some scholarships weie actually
commenced to be given But by a strange fatality that
piusuas eveiything in the intaiests of the Indians, the
soholai ships weie soon abolished

I do not entei into any details of this incident, as
it affects only m an indiioct rnannei and to a veiy
small es;tent the question I am considering, vi ' , the
admission of Indians, m the Covenanted Civil Service

I leveit to the clause mtioducecl by Su Stafford
Northoote in 1868 As this clause will comefuithei
on in the couise of coirespondence, I do not lepeat it
beie

This clause was subsequently passed in 1870, undei
the Duke of Argyll as Secietaiy of Slate, who communi-
cated it to the Government of India by a despatch of
31st Maioh, 1870 The Goveinment of India being
dilatoiy, as it is generally the misfortune of Indian
luteiests, the Duke of Aigyll in his despatch of IHth
April, 1872, lemindod the Goveinment of India about
lul'es required by the Act, as follows —

“ Keferiing to the 6th section of 83id Victoria, cap !3, I
dasue to be informed whethei ioui Escellency m Council hia
presciibed the lules ivhioh that Act contemplates foi theiegu
lation of the Adnnaaion of Natives to appointmenla “ in the
Covenanted Civil Service ” who have not been admitted to
thar service m accordance with the pioiisions of the 32nd
section of the 21st and 22nd \ ictorm, cap 106 ”

The dilatonneas of the Government of India,
continuing, the Duke of Argyll again lominded the

INDUS'^ IN OOVBNANl'I D CIVIIj SURVIOE 431

Go\emoi-rreneial of Inclu m a despatch of 22nd
Ocfcohei, 1272 —

“I have uofc icceived auv snhee(|Uent comnunicatioi’
lioui Yom li\celleiic> 'a (joveinment on the subject, lud theia
tor" conclude that nothing has been dour, although I aildrea
sod vom Govoinmenfc on the subject on Ibth Apnl last "

Those two lemindeis weie not known to the public
until a Ketmn was made in 1879 IC — 2,376]

Thiee >eai 3 passed aftei the enactmeat of the
clause, and the public not knowing ot anything hating
been done, the East fndia Association felt it nece^saij
to complain to the Duke of Aigyll on the suliject

The following is the coiiespondence lietween the
East I nclia Association and SIi Giant Butt in lS7rJ,
giving Ins Glace’s speech, and a biiet account ol the
events fioin 1867 to 187 1 —

East Inpiv Assooivtion.

20, Gieat Geoige Stieeb, Westminstei, London
Siptpvihci, 1873
To

il E Grant Duir, Es<i. M T,

Unilei-FiRCU'UOV of Stntr foi India,

India Oijicc

« Sig_Dv the ditc'-tiou olthe Council of the ICisl India.
Aaaooiatio'n. I have to le.jutst vou to subunt this lobbei foi the
kind coubideiation of his Craoe the hectebaiy of State toe
India

“ On the JLt August 13137, this Association applied to
Sii Stafford Xoifchcohc, the then Secietiry of State foi fndia,
iskiii" that the coiiipebitne exanunation foi a poibion of toe
appointments to the Indian Cnil Bairicc should be hold m
India, under such lules aud anangements as he might think
juopci, and expiossingan opinion that, after the selection boo
beau made m Indu, bj the hu-t cianimation. it was essential
that the selected candidates should be required to come to
England to pass their fuitbei exaimnatious with the selfcted.
candidates foi this i-ountiy

432 DADAJJHA.I NVUliOJlS WEITINGS.

"SirStaffoid Noithcote soon atfcai mfciroduoaj a clause lu
the Bill ha submitted to Paihaiuent, aatitled ‘ The Go/ernoi
(iaueiel of India Bill.”

" The enactment of this Bill continued m abeyance, until,
under the auspices of his Giace thepiasent Secretary of State,
it became law on the 25th Match, 1670, as * East India ^La\vs
and Begulations) Act ’ Moving the second reading of the Bill
on the 11th March, 1869, his Grace, m commenting upon
cl luse 6, m a candid and genoious manner made an untesei ved
acknowledgment of pist failures of pioinises, non fulfilment to
an adequate extent, as follows — •

“ ‘1 now come to a clause — the 6th — which is one of vety
gieat importance involving some modification in our practice,
md in the pimoiples of out legislation “as regards the Civil
Service in India ’’ Its object is to set free the hands of the
Governor Genera], under such lestriotious and legulations as
may be agreed to by the Government at home, “ to select, for
the Covenanted Service of India, Natives of that oountiy,”
although they may not have gone through the competitive
examination in this country It mv> be asked how far tint,
provision is consistent with the measures adopted by Parlia-
ment for securing efficiency in that soiviee, but there is a
previous and, in my opinion, a much moie important question
which I trust will be considered— how far this provision is
essential to enable ua to perform our duties and fulfil our
pledges and professions towaids the people of India

“ ‘ With regard, howevci, “ to the employment of Natives
in the government of their country in the Covenanted Service “
formerly of the Company, and now of the Crown, I must say
that we have not fulfilled our duty, or the promises and en-
gagements which we have made

“ ‘In the Act of 1866, this declaration was solemnly put
forth by the Parliament of England “ And be it enacted that
no Native of the said teriitoiies, not any natural-boin subject
of His Majesty resident therein, shall, by reason only of his
religion, place of birth, descent, colout, or any of them, be
disabled fiOm holding any place, office, or employment under
the said Company ’’

“ ‘ Now I well remember that m the debates m this House
in 185t!, when the renewal of the Charter was under the con-
sideration of Lord Aberdeen's Government, my lata noble
friend Loid Monteagle complained, and I think with great
fo ce, that while professing to open eveiy office of piofit and
employment under the Company or the Crown to the Natives
of India, we practically excluded them by laying down regula-

INDIANS IN CO\EK\NTrD CIVIL REBMCE d'JT

tiona aa to fitness \uh)ch no knew Natuea could never fulfil
If the only door of admisaion to tho Civil Service of India is a
competitive evainination rained on in London, what chance or
what possibilitv Id there of Natives of India acquiiing that fair
share in the administiation of their own country which their
education and abilities would enable them to fulfil, and there-
foie entitle them to poaBeasi I have always fait that the legu
lationa laid down for the competitive examinations rendered
nugatory the deilaiation of the Act of 1833, and so strongly
h IS this been felt of late yeaia by the Government of India
that vaiioua suggestions hive been made to remedy the evil
One of the very last — which, howevei, has not yet been tinally
sanctioned at home, and lespectmg which I must say there alc
serious doubts — has been suggested by Hit John Lawience,
who IB now about to appioach oiu shoies, and who is oeitainly
one of the most distinguished men who have eiei wielded the
destinies of out Indian Empne The palliative which he
pioposea IS that nine sr holaisbips— nine scholniships for a
Goveinment of upwards of 180,000,000 of people '—should be
annually at the disposal foi ocftain Natives, selected paitly by
competition and parth witn leference to then social rank and
position, and that these nine scholars should be sent home
with a salaiy of £200 n rear each, to compete with the whole
force of the British population seeking admission through tho
competitive esaminatious Now, in the hist place, I would
point out the utter inadequacy of the scheme to the ends of
the ease To speak of nine sehokiiships distiibuted over the
w hole of India as any fulfilment of our pledges or obligations
to the Natives would be a fa ice I will not go into details of
the scheme, as they are still uudei consideiatiou , but 1 think
1C 13 by no means expedient to lay down as a principle that it
IS wholly useless to reqiiue Natives seeking employment in
our Civil Service to see something of English society and
manneis It is true that in the new schools and colleges they
pass most distinguished examinations, and as fai us books can
teach them, aie famili.ir with the history and constitution of
this country , but tbeie aio some oflices with regard to which
It would be a most impoiUnt, if not an essential, qualification
that tl e j oung men appointed to them should have seen some
thing of the actual working of the English constitution, and
should have been impressed by its working, as any one must
be who resides for any tune in this great political society
Under any new regulations which may be made under this
clause, it will therefore, be expedient to piovide that Natives
appointed to ceitain pkvees sWl have some peiaonal know-
ledge of the working of English institutions I would, how

431

DXDAliHAI NA^OBOTl’S WBITINGS

cvei, by uo maans make this a genoiiil condition, £oi theic aio
many places m the Covenanted Seiiue of Iiidn, foi which
f^atues aie perfectly eouipetent, without the necessity of
visiUng tins country , and I believe that by competitive ex-
aminations conducted ab Calcutta, or even by pure selection, it
will be quite possible for the Indian Government to seouio
able, evcellent, and elhcieut admiiiistcatoia

“The clan sa thus introduced, lu a inaniiei worthy of an
English geneioua minded nobleman, and passed into law, is
as tollowB —

“ ‘ (>, Whereas it is expedient that additional facilities
should be given “ for the employment of Natives of India, of
pioved merit and ability, in the Civil Service of Jrlor Majesty
in India, ” be it enacted that nothing m the “Act for the
Government of India, ” twenty one and twenty two Victoria,
ohaptei one hundred and six, oi m the “ Act to confirm
certain appointments in India, and to amend the law concoin-
nig the Civil Seivioe there, ” twenty foin and twenty five
Victoiia, chapter fifty foui, oi in any othei Act of Paihament,
01 other law now m foice imlndia, shall restiain the authorities
ID India by whom appointments aio or may be made to
offices, places, and employments “ in the Civil Service ot Her
Majesty in India,” from appointing any Native of India to
any such oflioe, place, or employment although such N itive
shall not lia\ e been admitted to the said Civil Service of India
in manner in section thuty two of the fust mentioned Act
provided, but subject to su'’h rules as may be fiom time to time
ptosenbed by the Goveriioi Geueial in Council, and sanctioned
by the Secietaiy of Stite in Council, with the oonouireiioe
of a inajoiity of members present , and that, foi the purpose
of this Act, the words “Natives of India’’ shall include any
person born and domiciled within the dominions of Her
Majesty in India, of paients habitually resident in India, and
not established theie for teuipoiary purposes only , and that
it shall be lawful foi the Governor Geneinl in Council to dehne
and limit from timo to time the quahhcation of Natives of
India thus expressed , provided that every Kesolution made by
him for such purpose shall be subject to the sanction of the
iSecistary of State in Council, and shall not have force until
it has been laid for thuty days befoie both Houses of
iParliament. ’

“ It IS now mote than three years since this clause has
been passed, but the Council legcet to find that no steps have
apparently yet been taken by His Excellency the Viceroy to
Irame the rules requiied by it, so that the Natives may

INDIANS IN COVT^NANTDD ‘CIVIL SDRVIOB i'.iQ

obtain tbe due fulfilment of the liberal piounse made by IIis
Giace

" The Nalnea oouiplain that, had the onaotment refeiied
to the interostB of the Engheh community, no such long and
unieasonable delay would have taken place, but effect would
have been given to the Att as i|uicklj as possible, “ and they
further express a feai that this piomise may also be a dead
lettei *

“The Council, howevei, fully hope that fui thei loss of
time will not be alloweu to take place in pioinulgatmg the
rules lequiied by the Aot. The "Natives, attei the noble and
generous language used bv Hia Giace, natmally expect that
they will not he again doomed to disappointment, and most
anxiously look foiward to the promulgation of the lulos — to
give them, m some sy^tcmatu manner, ‘ that fair share in the
adnumstiation of their own country which their education and
abilities would enable them to fulfil, and theiefnie entitle
them to posses,’’ not only as a political justice, but also as a
national necessity, for the adiam-euient of the material and
moiiil condition ot the eountiy

“ I lemain, Sii, youi obedient Seivant,

“W 0. P iLMFE, Capt

“ AUing Monoimy Secietatyoj the Ea’^i India Association ’’

“ India Office, London,

Oftohei IQth, 1873

" am diieoted by the Sneretary of State for India

in Oounoil to acknowledge theiereipt of yoiu letter of the
2nd Octobei, lelative to the jirovisions of tbe Oliid "Victoiia
cap 3, section ,( 5 , and to mfoun you that the subject is
undei stood to be undei the oonsideiation of the Goxeinuient
of India, the attention of which has been twice called to it

“2 The Duke of Argyll 111 Gouncil will send a copy of
youi lettei to the Government of India, and again request tbe
early attention of that authority to that subject ’’

1 am, Sir, your obedient Servant,

(Sd) M E. GrrNT Dcir
‘The AcT 11«^ HONOBARV bECREUABY,

Fast India Association,''

• To our misfortune and to the dishonour of the author-
ities, It bus been made a dead letter

43G DADABHAI NAOJiOJi’S WBITINGS

Such IS the candid confession of non-peifoimance
of duty and non-fulfilment of bolemu pledges foi thirty -
si\ ^eais, and the renewed pledge to make amends for
past failures and provide adequate admission foi the
future for at least some shaie in the administration of
oui own country The inadequac\ is cleaily shown by
the iidicule of nine schoUislnps foi iHO.OOO.OOO souls,
and the proposal to adopt means foi the abolition of
the monopoly of Buiopeans When was this confession
and this new pledge made? It was to pass the 6th
clause of Act 33 Vic., cap 3 The clause was passed
on 25th March, 1870, one yeai aftei the above speech
was made, and neaily thiee years aftei it was first
proposed Twice did Sir 0 Wingfield ask questions in
the House of Commons, and no satisfactory leply was
given At last the East India Association addressed the
lattei which I have given above to the India Office, and
fiom the reply it will be seen how slow oui Indian
aiitboiities had been, so as to diaw thiee lemmdeis
fiom the Secretary of State

With legard to the leinaik in the lettoi as to the
complaint of the Natives that, “ had the enactment re-
faried to the interests of the English community, no
such long and unreasonable delay would have taken
place, ” I need simply point to the fact of the manner
in which the Coopers Hill College was pioposed and
earned out promptly and with no difficulty raised, as is
always raised against Indian interests

In 1879, the India office made a Eeturn [C— 2,376]
on the (“ Civil Service ” ) In this Seturn, aftei the
despatch of the Secretary of State for India of 22nd
October 1872, no information is given till the Goverm-
ment of India’s despatch of May 2nd, 1878.

INDIANS IN GOVENA.NTED CIVIL SEEVIOB. 437

In thH Retain as I have said alieady, the Report of
the Committee ot the five membeis of the Council of the
Secietaiy of State of I860, lecommending that simul-
taneous exammatioub was the only fail way of ledaeming
the honoui of the British name and doing justice to the
Indians, was suppressed There is a despatch of the
Government of India of 1874, which Sii E Peiiy in his
memoiandura describes as follows —

“Neatly two yeata afterwaids (20th August, No 31 ot
1874) the (ioveinuieut of India leplied to tins despatch, tians
mittmg tales, but noticing ^ety jejunely the pimcipal question
laised by his Gri loc Rules weie hnally suggested for adoption
by the Seoietuy of State, those oiigmally tiansimtted being
deemed by bun, undei legal advice, to plii< e too nariou j.i ton
stiiiotioD on the sUtnto ” (Public Despatch to India, No 1 11
of 20th of Ittigust, 1874)

These documents also have no place in the Return
Who knows what othei inconvenient documents also
may have uoc appeared This is always the difficulty in
Indian matters for Indian interests The public can
never know the whole tiuth The Government put foi-
waid only such information as they like, and the public
IS left in the dark, so as not to be in a position to judge
rightly The way of the Indian authorities is fiist to
Ignore any Act oi Resolution of Parliament oi Report of
any Committee oi Commission in favour of Indian inter-
ests If that is not enough, then to delay leplies If
that does not answei, then openly resist, and by their
persistence cany then own point unless a stiong Secie-
taiy of State pi events it But, unfortunately, to expect
a stiong and just Seeietary of State on behalf of Indian
Interests is a laie good fortune of India, because he
changes so often and is mostly in the hand of the Anglo-
Indian membeis of his Council and other Anglo-Indian
officials of the India Office If any Committee or Oom-
24—28

438

DADABTTAI NAOROJl'S AVEITINGS

mission really want to know the whole truth, they muat
do what the Committee of 1772 did — to have “ every ”
document on the subiect undei consideiation to be pio-
duced befoie then What an exposuie that Committee
of 1772 made of the most outiageoiis, most coiiupt, and
most tyiannical misconduct of the Go^6lnm6nt and
oflBcials of the day

I may also mention that the despatch of the Duke
of Argyll (lOtli Maieh, 1870, 1'lnuncial), to which I have
already lefeired, has also not been given in the Eeturn

Of couise, I am not surprised at these suppiessions
it IS oui fate, and the usual ways of a despotic regime
But why I mention this is that the public are misled and
aie unable to know the tiue state of a case in which
Indian inteiests aie involved , the public cannot evolve
these suppiessions fiom then innei consciousness

And still the outside public and the non-olTioial wit-
nesses ate sometimes blamed foi not supplying criticisms
on the statements made by the officials of Government !

Again, there is the despatch of Loid Salisbury of
10th Bobruaiy, 1876, not given in the Eetiun Sir
E Peuy, lefening to this despatch, says —

“Loid Salisbury decided the raattei once for all in Ins
despatch of 10th Pebroaiy, 1876, Financial, in which he quoted
the Duke of Argyll’s despatch of 1870 fiSiij;/ a;, and iftei stab
mg that he concmiodm theviews thus expiesaed, he proceeded
to lay down precise rules by which the appointment of English-
men in India to the higher Qncovenanted oflices should in
futuie bo lestiicted.”

How, I cannot say whethei all these suppiossed
documents were satisfactory or not, oi whethei they are
published m some othei place , but when/ the India Office
omits such mfoimation in a Eeturn on the subject itself^

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE 439

■whafj are we fco do ^ And if we ciiticise upon imperfect
infoimation, the aubhoiities come down upon us
denouncing in all soits of ways foi our wrong statements,
exaggerations, maccuiacies, and what not

The next despatch that the Eetuin gives is that of
the Goveinmant of India of 2nd May, 1878 It was in
connexioii with this dispatch that Loid Lytton wiote a
note dated 30th May In this note he had the courage
to expose the whole chaiactei of the conduct of Indian
authorities in both countries since the passing of the Act
of 1833, denouncing that conduct as consisting of dehbai-
ate, tianspaient subterfuges, and dishououiable, as mak-
ing piomises to the oai and bieakmg them to the
hope Heie are Loid Litton’s own woids, refeiung to
the Act of 1833 —

“The Vet of P.nluiueut is so undefined, and indefinite
obligations on thepait ot the (iovcrninent of India towards its
N.itive subjects lue so obiioiisly dangeicus, that nosoonei ivas
the \ct passed than the (Invciniu.’nt “began to dense means
foi piactically evading the fulhhnent of it ’’ Undei the terms
of Act which .ue studied and Iwd to heiut b\ that incieasing
class of educated Natnes whose deielomnont the tioiernment
encQuiiiges, without being iiblo to s.itisly the aspirations of its
existing members, eveiv such Native if once admitted to
Goveinmant emplojinent in posts pieviously lesetved to the
Coven mted Service is entitled to expect and chum appoint
ireiit in the fair couisc of promotion to the highest post in
that aeiriae

“ We all know that these claims and o' pei tations nexei
can 01 will be fulfalied Wo have had to choose between
piohiliiting them and cheating them and we have chosen the
last atiaighttoiward course The application to Natives ot the
competitive examination system as conducted in England, and
the recent leduction in the agent which candidates cm com-
pete, .lie all so m.iny dohbaiito and tianspaient subterEuges
foi stultifying the Act and leducing it to a dead letter Since
I am writing conhdentuilly 1 do not besitite to say that both
the Governments of England and of India appeal to me, up to
the present moment, unable toanswei satisfactorily the charge

410 DADABHAI NAOBOJi’b WRITINGS

of having taken oveiy moans in thou powei of biealung to the
heait the ivoids of promise they had utteied to the eai ”

I acimiie the English candoui and couiage with
which this humiliating confession is made But I pio-
test that so fai as the people, the Paihament and the
Soveieign aie concerned, it is an injustice to them to put
the clishonoui and the disgiace of subtsifuges to then
chaige It is a lihel upon the statesmen of 18d3, that
they said so many deliberate falsehoods intentionally
whan they contended foi the lustihoation of the clause
for equality m such noble and geneious and English
spiut and teiins It is a gioss libel on the Sovereign
and the people of this country that the Pioclamation of
1868, so solemnly promulgated, oalling God to witness
and to help, was all hypociisy, an intentional mockeiy
and delusion. I piotest against this assumption
The tiuth I believe to he is that the Soveieign,
the Paihament and the people of this countiy sincerely
meant what they said — but that their servants,
the executive authorities in both countries, uncontroll-
able and free to follow then own devices in then original
spurt of selfishness and oppression with which they com-
menced then rule in India, fiustrated the highest and
noblest desires of the Sovereign and the people by “ deli-
berate and transparent subterfuges to attain their own
selfish ends ” — which on one occasion an Anglo-Indian
very naively confessed m these lemarkable woids. In
a debate at the Society of Aits, 19th Pebruary, 1892, up-
on Siam, Sir Charles Ciossthwaite said —

" The real question was who was to get the trade with
them, and how we could make the most of them so aa to hud
fresh maikets foi our goods and “ aleo employment for those
superfluous aitrcles ol the present day," ctwi buij't" So the
whole reason of the existence of the world is market for
British capitalists .vnd employment for " ow boys,”

IDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SEEVICB 441

In India, this gteed foi the monopolizing of profafcs
of tiade, and of the employment of “ oui boys,” is the
chief key to the system of all the actions of an unsym-
pathetic, selfish lule as it is at piesent made by the
executive authoiities Not that it need be so A right-
eous system can be adopted, as many a statesman has cle-
olaied, by which both England and India may be blessed
and benefited, and foi which purpose the Indians have
bean ciying all along in the wilderness Let the saddle
of the piesent evil system be on the right hoise The
Sovereign, the Pailiament and the people have done all
that could be desired The only misfortune is that they
do not see to then noble wishes and orders being cauiecl
out, and leave their seivants to “ bleed ” India^of all that
is most dear and necessary to the human exrstence and
advancement — wealth, wisdom and work — material and
prosperity Eeverting to Lord Lytton’s true confession,
that the executives have “ cheated” and ” subtaifuged,”
frustrated and dishonoured all Acts and Resolutions of
Parliament and the most solemn Proclamations of
the Sovereign, one would think that after such confes-
sions some amends will be made by a moie honourable
course, Far from it This despatch of 2nd May, 1878,
will remain one of the daikest sections m this sad story
instead of any contrition oi reparation for the past evil
What did the Government propose in this despatch^
To destioy everything that is dearest to the Indian
heart — his two great Olurteis of 1833 and 1858, the Act
of a partial justice of 1870 — to murder in cold blood the
whole political existence of equality of Indians as Biitish
citizens which — at least by law, if not by deed or action
of the authorities — they iiossessed, and make them the
hspuiia of the high public seivice

442 DADABHAl NAOHOJI’S WEITINGS

Maik' by the Aefc of 1870, the Indians wore to
have a distinct piopoition of appointments (w'hich was
fixed by the Government of India to be aliout oua-fifth,
01 about 7 evoiy yeai) in the Cooenaiited Civil Srrvicc - —
whieh meant that in the couise of to 30 years, the
duration of the service of each person, there would
gradually be about 180 to 200 Indians admitted into
the Covenanted Civil Service This was most a bitter
pill for the Anglo-Indians, official and non-official, to
swallow The Government lesoited to eveiy subterfuge
to ignore and with passive resistance to make the Act a
dead letter. This not succeeding, they deliberately
proposed to throw aside all Acts, Eesolutions, and Pro-
clamations — all pledges and laws of equality — and to
establish a “ close Native Civil Service ” that is to say to
depiive the Natives once and for ever of any claim to
the whole higher Covenanted Services, and dp km shut
up in a lazaretto of a miserable close service

And what was to be thn closr service ' Not even to
the extent to which the Act of 1 870 led to the hope of
the share in the Covenanted Civil Service — but only to
piopose to assign ceitain fixed appointments now held
by the Covenanted Service, and to rob the Uncovenant-
ed Service of some of their appointments to cast them
into this service, that is to say, in reality to inako a
"‘pariah,” seivice of a small number ot Covenanted Ser-
vice employments — about 90 or so (the Unoovenanted
being ahealy the Indian’s owm) — in place of what the
Act of 1870 would have entitled them, to the extent of
180 or more, and to be eligible to the whole Covenanted
Service employment , and what is still worse, and exhi-
bits the inner spirit, that even this miseiable so-called
close ” service was not to be entirely reserved for the

INMANS IN COVENANTEO CIVIL SERVICE 443

Indians, but, as I imdeiatand, a dooi is left open foi Buio-
paans also fco get into it And still moie, the Govem-
ment o£ India so meicilessly wanted to put the badge
and stamp of infoiioiity and exclusion upon the Indians
at largo and roll them of their only consolation, their
only hope and chaitei, that they already possessed by law
and by pledges, of equality of British citi/seuship with the
British subjects of this countiy But there is something
still woise the Government cooly pioposod not only not
to give them simultaneous examinations in India, but to
deprive them even of the light they now possess of com-
peting foi the Covenanted Seivice m this country itself
Were the Government of India gone mad '> The
Government of India said, m cold blood, that “ the
ordinary Covenanted Civil Service should no longer be
open to Natives, ” thus pioposing insidiously that the
Apts of 1S33 and 1S70 and the Pioclamation should be
thiown to tlie winds So these Acts and the Pioolama-
tions of the Soveieign upon which hangs all oui devoted
loyalty, all oui hopes and aspiiations (though in all oon-
scienoe most mercilessly disiegaidod) all that is at all
good and gieat in the Biitish name in India, all that is
to be swept away by a new iiu-Biitish and tyiannioal
legislation i The whole despatch is so distiessful, so full
■of false blandishments, that I cannot ventuie bo say
anything moie about it The wondei is that on the One
hand LoicI Lytfcon exposes the “subteifiiges ’’ and dis-
honoui of the Executive, and himself and his colleagues
sign such a despatch of Sad May, 1878 And what is
btiU moie cuiious as this , about seventeen mouths
bofoie this despatch, on 1st Januaiy, 1877, at the Delhi
Assemblage, on the assumption of the title of Empress
nf Ipdia, Lord Lytbon on behalf of Her Majesty said :

4ii: N^OROTI’S ■\^KITINCTS

" But \ou the Natues of India, whatever youi lace
and wJiatevei youi cieed, have a lecogmsed claim to
shaie hnni'h/ with vom English fellow-subjects accoidmg
So i oiii capacity foi the task, in the admmistiy of the
lountiy jou inhabit Thti, claim Jouiuhd on the
'inihcst j istitc It has been lepeatedly affiimed by Biibish
ind Indian statesmen and by the legislation of the
mipeiial Pailiament It ib lecognised by the Govern-
nent of India as binding on its honoui and consistent
\ith all the aims of its policy ,” and all such “ highest
ustice ” and all this “binding on hououi ” ended in this
3i.tiaoidinaiy despatch of 2nd May, 1878! It is the
nost dismal page in the whole melancholy atfaii about
;he Covenanted Seivice

But the fuithei misfortune is that since the despatch
)£ and May, 1878, the whole heait and soul of the
loveinment is directed in the spiiit of the despatch, and
hough they have not attempted to alter legislation,
hay have by peisistence and devices most ingeniously
airied out then own object, and made the Acts of 183 J
,nd 1870, and the gieat Proclamations, moie shams and
delusions With tiumpet tongues they have pioclaimed
0 the woild that the imseiable “ cZow seivice” was an
ivtraoidinaiy and geneious concession, when in reality
ve aie plundered of vyhat we alieady possessed by the
lot of 1870, and out political position is i educed to the
undition of political paiiahs

I do not enter here into a discussion of the un-
Unghsh and subtle procedure by which we are deprived
if the so called “ statutory soivice,’* winch had secured
or us no less than a complete and free admission into
he whole Covenanted Civil Service, to the number
vhich had been at the time considered for a beginning

INDIANS IN OOVJSNANTED CIVIL SERVICE 445

as a fan pioportion of about one-si\tb oi one-fiftb of
the total numbei of this seivice

Theio IS one othei impoitant leason why I do not
pursue any moie the criticisms upon this despatch
The Secietaiy of State himself found it impossible bo
swallow lb, summauly disposed of its fallacies, hollo w’-
ness, blushed it aside, and insisted upon caii^ung out the
Act of 1870

Now hefoie going tuitliei. I ha\a to request the
commission to beai in mind that the Government of
India had, by this despatch, most earnestly and labou-
oiisly committed themselves to a “ close Native set vice,”
and lb wiU be seen that they bided their tune and left no
stone unturned, by any means wlmtevei, to attain
ultimately their object

As I have said above, Loid Cianbiook, the then
Secretary of State, would not swallow the pieposteious
despatch, and put down his foot agitinst such openly
violating all honourable and solemn pledges of the
Sovereign and Acts of Pailiament

Lord Cianbroolc in his despatch of 7th November,
1R78, said in reply —

“6 But 10111 piopoeal of a close Native seivu-a with a
limited class of high sppomtuicnta attached to it, and lom
suggestions that the Covenanted Ciiil Seivioe should uo longer
lie open to Natives, involve an application to Pailiauientwhich
would have no piospect of success, and which [ certnnlj
would not undertake \oui lordship has loiuself obseived
that no scheme would have a chance of sanction which
included legislation for the purpose of lepeabng the clause in
the Act of l83a aboie quoted, and the obstacles which would
he presented iigainst any attempt to exclude Natives fioui
public competition foi the Civil Service would be little less
formidable

“10 It rs, tberetoie, quite competent to your lordahip’s-
GoverUmeiit to appoint every year to the Civil Service of India
any such numbei of Natives as may bo deteimined upon, and

44fi D\DABHAI NAOEOJI’S WEITINGS

the iHunbor of Ooven.inteil civilians sent ont from this country
will liiva to be proportionately rlecreased. Tho appointments
should in the hist instance, be only piobationaiy, so aa to
give ample time foi testing the lueiit and ability of the
eandidites

“11 It appears to mo that the advantages of such a
Biuiple scheme will be obvious —

“ (i) it will undoubtedly be much moie popular with the
\fiti\es, as it will place them on a tooting of social equality
with the Covenanted civilian

“(ii) Inasmuch as it will exclude no civilian at present
in India fiom any office which he has a moral claim to expect
it will avoid any clashing with tho vested inteieats of the Oivil
Sei vice

“ (m) It will avoid the necessity of any onbauoement of
salaiies of Uncovenanted oflhcpia which is now pioposed, not
because such enhancement jsneeessary, but fioin the necessity
of oieating a class of well paid appointments to foim sufhoient
piLzes foi a close \ativo seiviee

“ 4nd lasth, it pursues the ssmo system of official
training which has proved so eminently successful lu India ’’

Thus foiled in the monstious attempt to inflict upon
the Indians the most serious political disastei , the Govern-
ment of India whined and lay low to wait their oppor-
tunity, and as compelled, and with bad grace, made the
required rules one year after tho despatch of 2nd May,
1878

With then despatch of 1st May, 1879, the Govern-
ment of India sent the rules, and explained in para 8 of
the despatch tho proportion of Indians they proposed
to select

“ I'ha pioposed statutory Kules, m brief, provide that a
piopoition not exceeding one sixth of all the reoruits added to
■the Civil Seivice in any one year shall be Natives selected in
India by the local Governments, ”

I give here the rules pioposed
" No. 18

“ Btjles for the APPOTNrMENr op Natives of India
to offices Ordinarily held by members of Her Majesty’s
Covenanted Civil Service in India

INDIANS IN OOVCrfANTED CIVIL SERVICE 447

“In exeiciaa of the powec contecied by the Statute M
Vict I chap a, section b, the Goveinoi Geneial m Council has
been pleased to make the lollowmg luJea, which have been
sanctioned by the Seeietaiy of State m Council with the con
cuiience of a majoiity of uminbeis piesent —

"I— Each Local Government may nominate peisons
who aio Natives of India within the meaning of the said Act,
foi employment m Her Majesty s Ooicnanted Civil Seiviee m
India within the teiritoiiea subordinate to such Government
Such nominations shall he made not latei than the hrst day of
Oetobei m each yeai No peiaon shall be nominated for
employment in the said sei vice aftei be has attained the ago
of twenty five yeais, o'cejit on giounds of meut and abuity
pioved .n the seivice of Government, or in the practiioe of a
piofessioii

“ II —Nominations undei the foregoing rule shall, if
appioved by the Governor Geneial in Council, be provision
ally sanctioned by him The total number of nominations so
sanctioned in any yeai shall not exceed one htth of the total
number of lei cuita appointed by Hot Majesty’s Secretaiy of
State to the said seivnce in such yeai , jnovided that the total
nnmbei of such noniinaiions sanctioned in each of the years
1879, 1880, and 1881 may exceed the said proportion by two
On sanction being given by the Goveinoi General m Council
the nominee shall be admitted on probition to employment
m the said service , such admission may be confirmed by the
Goveinoi General in Council but shall not bo so tonfirmed
until the Loc.il Goveinment have lopoited to the Govetnoi
Geneial in Oonnoil that the jvvobaliouei has acquitted himself
satisfactoiily duung a peiiod of not less than two v ears fiom
the dkteofhis admission, and tint he has, unless speciallv
exempted by the Govetnoi Geneial in Council, pussod snob ex
auuiiatious as may fiom time to tune be prescribed hv the
Local Government subject to the ajipioval of the Governor
Geneial in Council In case of persons admitted under these
lules vfter they have attained the age of twenty hvo yenis,
the Governor Geneial in Council may conhiin their admission
without requiring them to «eive for any peiiod of piobation
‘ III — Persons admitted under these rules to employ-
ment in the said seivice shall not, without the pri^vious sanc-
tion of the Gov ornor Geneial iii Council in c,icli case, be
appointed to any of the undermentioned ofiices namely —

“ Members of a Boaid of Kevenue
“rfecretanes to the several Goveiuments and \dmmistra
tions in India

448 DADABHAI N\OROJl’b WEITINGS

“ Chief M.igisfceual, oi Chief Revenue, Ofiioors of
Distiicfcs

“ CoiiiLui'j'iioneia of Divisions, oi of Be venue

■'IV — Peisoiib .idimtbej undei these lulos to einplnynient
in the s.iul -.Biiiee shill oidiniiih be appointed only to ofiioas
in the pioMtice wheiein they woia hiat admitted lint the
Lioveinor bcnetal in Council ini> tianafai fiom one piovinco
to .uiothei .t peiaon hnallv admitted to employment m the

“V — Vny person idmitted nndei these lulos may, with
the previous bvnotion of the (jovernoi Ocncial in Council, be
deotaied by the Local Oweininont to be disquahfaed foi
fuithei employment in the stud seiviee ”

Two comments suggest themselves with regaid to
these lules — when leacl with the light that the Govern-
ment of India’s whole heait was m the " close Native
seivice " — and that, theiefoie, to cany out loyally the
Act of 1870 was natuially against then giain.

At the very beginning they began to nibble at the
Statute of 1870 and proposed m Rule III, not to put
Natives on the same footing with Emopeans with regaid
to all high offices On this unworthy device I need not
comment, as the Secietaiy of State himself stiuck out
this Rule III, without much ceiemony

Now, whether intentionally or iinintentionally, the
lules had been so fiamecl that had the Govemment of
India sat down to devise the most effective means of
bunging disciedit and failme on the service undei the Act
of 1870, they could not have done better oi worse than
these lules These Indian civilians were to be the
colleagues ^f and to do the duties with the best educated
and severely tested (educationally, physically, and moral-
ly) English youths Particular care was taken not to
piesciibe any systematic compulsory rules for such high
test and for obtaining leoiuits woitliy of being included

INDIANS IN COVBN'VNTEI) CiVIIi SEBVICE, Ji‘)

in such a highly hamed service as the Covenanted
Civil Seivioe, of ■which these Indians were to he an
integral pait and m which sei vice they weie to be exactly
on the same footing as English civilians This was the
crux and spirit of the whole inattei , the rules simply
made the mattei one of pationage and back-dooi influence
It needs no stietoh of the imagination to see that such
a course could lead only to one result, as it has alway s
done, , failuie It was ahsuid to expect that such
Indian civilians should piove as successful and efficient
as the English civilians so well piepaied This was the
first covert blow given by the Goveinment of India at
the \eiy huth of the opeiation of the Act of 1870, and
unfortunately Loid Oianhiooh did not see his ingenious
device

The Commission can haidlv lealise the mtensity of
the gratitude of the Indians to Sii Stafford Noithcote foi
pioposmg, and the Duke of Aigyll foi passing, the clause
in the Act of 1870, and not less intense was then
gratitude to Lord Cianhiook and to Su Erskine Peiiy
who co-opaiated with him, foi the determination Wifch
which Lord Oianbrook oveicame all stienuous opposition
and the blandishments of the Government of India of
their own good-will and justice to the Indians , and he
■compelled that Goveinment to give effect to the Act of
1870

The clause was at last given effect to, though with
gieat leluctance and undei compulsion, after ten long
years This is geueially the case Eoi all Indian inter-
ests the officials always lequiie long and most caieful
and most mature consideration, till by lapse of time the
question dies Undei Loid Oranhiook this clause had
better fortune, but only to end in utter and more bitter

450 DADA.BHAI KAOROJi’S WEITINC4S.

cliaappoiiitment to the latluns, and to add one moie
dishonoui to the British name The fiist appointments
undei the clause, though aftei a delay of ten yeais, again
infused a new life of loyalty and hope in the justice of
Biitish people, thioughout the length and bieadth of
India It was a small instalment, but it was a piactical
instalment, and the fust instalment of actual justice
And it was enough, foi an evei disappointed and un justly
tieated people, to rejoice, and more so for the futuie
hope of moie justice and of iighteous lule, little foie-
seeing to what bittei disappointment they weie to be
doomed in the couise of the next ten years • The fiist
appointments weie made under the i ules m 1880 Now,
ue come to the next melancholy stage.

The immediate development of the compulsion on
the Goveinment of India to cany out the clause of 1870
— coupled with the feai of the possible effect of the
despatch of Sn Staffoid Noithcoteof 8th February, 1868,
to restrict employment of Euiopeans to those only who
pass the examination heie, and to insist upon the
inherent lights of the Indians to all appointments — was
to produce a sullennass of feeling and gieat vexation
among the Anglo-Indian body generally (with, of course,
honourable and noble exceptions)

I do not entei, as I have alieady said, upon the latter
question of the Uncoveuanted Set vice. I mention it heie
simply because it added to the anger of the Anglo-Indians
against the noble policy of men like Sir Stafford North-
coto I confine myself to the said story about the ad-
mission of Indians in the Covenanted Civil Seivice

Well, the so called statutoiy ” seivioe was launch-
ed in 1880 It was called by a distinctive name
statutory ” as if the whole Covenanted Service was not

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL BEBVICE 4j1

also a statutory ’’ &ei’\ica, and as if the clause of 1870
ivas not simply foi full admission into the whole Coie-
nanted Service But what is in a name ? The Govern-
ment of India knew the value of cieating and giving a
distinct name to the seivioe ao that thev may with
gieatei ease kill it ns a separate seivice , and at last, kill
it they did. The Anglo-Indians, official and non-official,
were full chaiged with sullenness and angai, and with the
spark of the “ Ilheit Bill ” the conflagiation buist out

Here I may point out how shrewdly Loid Salisbury,
while fully appror mg the clause of 1870, had pi ophe&ied
the coming stoiin On the debate on the clause in 1870
Lord Salisbuiy had said —

“ Anothei most nnpoilint matter is the idmission of
Natives to employments nnJci the Ooveinuient of India I
think the plan of the noble Poke contained in this Bill is, I
believe, the most sati'.f.ictory solution of a very diflicult rjuoa
tion ”

And aftei so fully accepting the clause, he said —
“One of the most senoiva clangois you have to guaul
against is tho poesibilitv of jtnloiiS)/ unsing fioiu the mtio
duction of Natives into the teivice ”

Owing to this ye.rlousy ten y eaia elapsed before any
action was taken on the Act of 1870, and that even
undeT enmpuhton by Loid Cranbiook Befoie three
years after this effect was given to the elauso, Lord Salis-
bury’s prophecy was fulfilled Explosion bnist out
over the llbeit Bill

I cannot entei heie into the vaiious phases of the
excitement on that occasion, the bittei war that laged
for some time against Indian inteiests I content my-
self with some extracts from the expression of Lord
Haitmgton (the Duke of Devonshuo) upon the subject
It cleaily pioves the action ol tho jealousy of the '^nglo-

4j3

DA-DABHAI N VOROn’S WBITINGB.

Indiana Loid Haifcingfcon said (speech, House of
Gonimons, August 23, 1883) —

“ It may b5' some ba thought ‘•ulliciout to say, that the
\nglo Indian whatevei may be Ins meiita, and no doubt they
aie gieat, isnot a peison wlio is distinguished b\ an evoeptional
'y Liihu judgment ”

Jlan^aid, Vol 283, p 1818
AuquU ’Sid, 188, 1

“ I could quote pisaagos m lettais m the Indian papeis in
which it 13 admitted th.it tua agitation wa-, dnected against
the policy o£ the Home Goieinnient iii pioviding appoint-
ments foe Native oiviliins while theie aio many Buiopeana
without appoiutiuenta I behave that the cause ot

the pievalent excitement is to be fdund, not in this uieaaiue,
hut m the general Com se of policy that has been puisued both
by this GovPinmeni and the late Govoinment it has been
the policy of Government fot some yeais past to impiess up
on the Goveinnient ot India the desuability ot obtaining the
assistance ot the Native population as fai as possible m the
government of that countiy Ovei and ovoi again that policy
has been inculcated fiom homo In 1879) ti Llesolution was
passed which luuited appointment of the value of Its 200 a
month to offioeis ol the army and to Natives That rastiiccion
has been rightly enforced, and has met with ‘bill lands of op
position fiom non olhcial classes ot Buiopeaiis, who think that
all the appointments must bo resolved foi them ” The same
spirit was shown when it was deteiminod that udimssion to the
Engineeiing College at Rooiki should ba conhned to Natives
Agitation of the eamo chaiactei has been seen be-
fore when theie was just as little- foundation foi it, Loid
Jlacaulay, Loid Canning, and other Anglo Indian statesmen
expeiienced the s’acne kind of opposition tiom Anglo Indians ,
but all these lepioachos have recoiled, not against the states
men with regaid to whom they wcie utteied, but against the
persons uttciiiig themselves, , ,

"Theie is a further reason, in my opinion, why this policy
■should be adopted, and that is that it is not wise to educate
the people of India, to mtioduce among them youi civilisation
and youi xnogress and your hteru-tuie, and at the same
time to tell them they shall ne\ ei have any chance of taking
any pait or shaie m the idnnmstiation of the affairs of
their countiy, evcapt by then getting iid, in the first instance,
of their European mlers Surely, it would not be wise to
tell a patriotic Native of India that. . .

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE 453

" Whatever ditfeieueeof opimon there may be, there can,
in my opinion, be very little doubt that India is inauffieiently
governed at the preeent tune. I believe there are many
districts in India in which the number of o&eials is altogether
inhufhciant, and that is owing to the fact that the Indian
revenue would not bear the strain if a> sufficient number of
JUntopeans were appointed The Goveininont of India cannot
afford to spend mote than they do m the administration of
the oountiy, “ and if the eouutiy is to be better governed that
c in only be done by the employment of the best and most
intelligent of the Natives m the service ’’

Ifc was on this occasion that Loid Sahsbmy made
the confession that all the pledges, proclamations, and
Acts to which Lord Northbrook had lefeued was all
“ political hypocrisy ” The reasons which Lord
Salisbury assigned weie not accurate, but I cannot
strike off into a new controversy now It is enough
for me to say that, as I have aheady said, I protest
against placing this “ hypocrisy ” at the dooi ’of the
people, Pailiamenb, and Sovereign of this country It
lies on the head of the seivants, the executives in both
countries It is they who would lum the Empire by
then “ hypocrisy ” and selfishness

At last, however, the agitation of the Ilbeit Bill
subsided The eiuption of the volcano of the Anglo-
Indian hearts 'stopped, but the angei and vexation
continued boiling within as the cause of the explosion
still lemained And the Government of India were
biding their time to carry out that most un-English
schema of the despatch of 2nd May, 1879, to cieato a
pai lah lazaretto to consign these pal tails theieto

Owing to the peisistence of Lord Cianbrook the
appomtments under the Act of 1870 had begun in 1880,
and continued to be made, i e , about six or seven
Indians continued to be admitted in the Covenanted
24-29

464 DAD^.I5HAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS,

Owil Soivice The main cause of the explosion having
conbmueci, and the Government of India having set its
heart upon its own scheme, a new departuie and
development now aiose The question at the bottom
was how to knock the " statutoiy seivice ” on the head,
and put down effectively the ciy foi simultaneous
examinations The explosion under the excuse of the
Ilbeit Bill did not effect that object, and so, according
to Lord Lytton’s confession of the general conduct of
the Executive, something also should be done

We now entei upon the next stage of this sad
story I shall place some facts and any fair-minded
Englishman will be able to diaw his own conclusions
Before I do so certain preliminary explanation is
necessary

In India, when the authoiities aie decided upon
certain views which are not likely to be readily accepted
by the public, a Commission or Committee comes into
existence The members are mostly officials oi ex-
ofhcials — English or Indians Some non-offioials, En-
glish or Indians oi both, are sometimes thrown in,
selected hy the Government itself It is a well under-
stood thing that in all matters officials aie bound
always to take and support the Government views
The ax-officiala are undeistood to be bound by grati-
tude to do the same If anyone takes an indepen-
dent lipe, either in a Commission oi Committee, oi in
his own official capacity, and displeases the Govern-
ment, I cannot undertake to say with instances what
happens

Perhaps, some Anglo-Indians themselves may feel
the sense of duty to supply somd instances from their
own experience. Almost by accident.an mstanoe'>has just

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SEEVIOB. 455

come back before me in the Ghampion, of Bombay,
and which gives feha incident almost in the author’s
{Ml Eobart H Elliot) words “ Mi Geddes came before
the Einance Committee (1871-74), and that the members
thought it well worth examining him is evidenced by
the fact that ha was examined at very great length
Here was a chance for Duff he thought he would do a
very clever thing, and as Mr Geddes had introduced
into his financial pamphlet some views of lathei a novel
description, and had, besides, made use of some rather
out-of-tbe way illustrations, this gave a good opportunity
for putting questions in such a way as was calculated to
cast ridicule on Mr. Geddes, and depreciate the value of
the important points he had brought out But this was
fai from being all It was intimated pretty plainly to
Mr Geddes that his opinions ought to be in harmony
with the Government he served, and here Mr Geddes
said that he certainly ought to be m harmony with the
Government if there was any spirit of harmony m it
Ml Geddes was cloarly not to be put down, and Duff
thought he woul I ti y something more seveie ‘ You
hold an appomtmonfc in the Government, do you not ’

‘ Yes,’ said Mr Go Ides ‘ And do you expect to letuin to
that post’’ asked Duff, ‘Now, my dear John,’ con-
tinues the author, you will not find that question in
the report, for the simple reason that it was ordered to
be expunged " Would some Anglo-Indian kindly give
us some information of what afterwards became of
Mr. Geddes ’ I would not trouble the Commission with
my own tieatmeut before the same Committee, which
was anything but fair, because, like Mr Geddes, I had
something novel to say I would only add that an
important and pointed evidence of Lord Lawience, on

4:56 DADABHAI NAOEOJi’S WBITINGS.

the wreticbedness and extieme poverty of Incliai was also
BTippressed in the Eeport

The officials have theiefore to bear m mind to be m
haimony with Government or think of their posts — and
I suppose the ex-offlcials have also to bear m mind that
there is such a thing as pension

Hare is one more instance When Mr Hyndman
published his “ Bankruptcy of India,” Mi Caird at once
wrote to the Times contradicting him. The India
Office soon after sept him to preside ovei the Famine
Commission He, though at first much prejudiced by
Anglo-Indian views, and going to bless the Government^
returned cursing He made a report on the condition of
India, and that being contrary to official views, 0 • how
Government labouied to discredit him I

Lastly, Commissions or Committees leport what
they like If they aie in the expected harmony with
Government, all is well But anything which Govern-
ment does not want or is contrary to its views is brush-
ed aside Eeports of Commissions must be in harmony
with the views of the Government If not, so much
the woise foi the Commissioners , and this is what has
actually happened with the Public Service Commission,
which 1 am now going to touch upon as the next stage
m this sad histoiy of the fate of Indians for services in
theii own country

When I came here m 1886, I paid a visit to Lord
Kimberley, the Secretary of State for India I had been
favouied with moia than an houi’s eonveisation, mainly
on the two topics of “atatutoiy seivice" and simultaneous
examinations, and I found him a determined, decided
opponent to both, and completely, to our misfortune,
saturated with Anglo-Indian views — not seeming to

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE 457

lealise ai; all the Indian Bide He urged to me all the
Anglo-Indian stock arguments, and I saw what he was
leally aiming at — the very thing which Lord Cranbiook
l^ad summarily rejected — ^the scheme of the Government
of India. of the despatch of 2nd May, 1878, the close
seivice

Fiom that interview I saw clearly what the “ Public
Service Commission ” was for — that the abolition of the
statutory ’ service, the suppression of the cry for
simultaneous examinations, and the adoption of the
■scheme of 2nd May, 1878, were determined, foiegone
conclusions

Soon aftei my conveisation with Loid Kimbeiley, I
happened to be on the same boat with Sir Charles Tur-
ner on my way to Bombay Sii Charles Turnei was
going out by appointment by Loid Kimberley to join the
Public Service Commission I at once prepared a short
memoiandum, and gave it to him. Afterwaids, in the
course of the conversation, he told me that he had cer-
tain instiuctionb from Loid Kimberley Sir Charles
Turnei, of oouise, could not tell me, whatevei they may
have been. But I could not help forming my own con-
clusions from what I had myself leaint fiom Lord
Kimberley himself in my conversation with him Sir
Charles Aitohison was the President of the Commission,
and he, as Lieutenant Governor of the Punjab, made a
representation to the Commission, m which ho expressed
his clear opposition to the simultaneous examinations
About^the “statutory” service ha had already most
strongly objected two years before the appointment
of the Commission, in a very inaccurate and hasty
argument and on very imperfect infoi matron In a
country like India, governed under a despotism, where.

468

DADABHAl KAOBOJl’S WRITINGS

under present circumstances, service under and favour
of Government is to many the all in all, what effect
must declarations of the head of the province, and the
well-known decided views of the Government itself,
piodnce upon the invited witness — not onlv official but
non-official also — can hardly be lealised by Englishmen,
who haife their government m their own hands

The third important member’s — Sir Charles Grossth-
waite — view, as I have already indicated, seemed the
anxiety about “ our boys ’’

There weie among the members of the Oommis-
sion — *

8 Euiopean officials
1 Indian official
3 Indian ex-officials

1 Non-official European, the General Secretaiy
of the Behar Indigo Planters’ Association.
(It would he worth while to know what
share the planters had taken in the Ilbeit
BUI agitation )

1 Buiasian

2 Indian non-officials, one of whom, 1 think,

never attended the Commission till it met
for Pvepoit.

Mr. Kazi Sbahabu-dm, before he joined the Oomis-
Bion, distinctly told me that he was dead against both
questions, “ statutory ” and simultaneous It was all
veiy good, he said to me, to talk of eternal piinciples.
and justice and all that, but he was determined not to
allow the Hindus to advauoe The views of Sir Syad
Ahmad Khan were no secret as being against simul-
taneous examinations and statutory service. I am in-
formed that Mr Nuhlkar and Mi Mudliai were soiry

INDIANS IN C0VJ3NANTED OIVID SEBVICE 45

for fcheir action in ]oining in the Eepoit, and Mr Eomes
Chandra Mitia has, I think, expressed some reppdiatio
of his connection with the Report of the Commis&ior
The Eaja of Bhinga only joined the Commibsion at th
Eepoit

Oui misfoitune was, as I saw at that time, the thre
Hindu membeib did not, I think, fully lealise how
deathblow was being stiuck at the futuie political an
administratne advance and aspiiations ot the Indians
and how, by an insidious and subtle stroke all pledge
and Acts of Pailiament, and Proclamations— the ver
breath of our political life — the hope and anchoi of ou
aspiiations and advance weie being undeimmed an
swept away I have also already pointed out tb
determination of the Government of India since tbei
lettei of 2nd May, 1B78, not only to stop fuithei advance
but even to take away what they, the Indians, alread-
had

I was a witness befoie this Commission I full;
expected that as I was considered one of the chief com
plainants in these matteis, I would be severely examine
and turned inside out But the Commission, to m
surpiise, earned on with me moie of an academicE
dabate than a seiions practical examinatioui and seeme
wishful to get lid of me quickly, so much so, that I tva
forced to request that a Memorandum which I ha
placed befoie them should he added to my evidence o:
seveial points

I may here explain that simultaneous examination
was by fai the most impoitant mattei, and, if grantee
would have dispensed with the necessity of the “ state
toiy ” service The chief fight was for simultaneou
examinations

460 DADABHAI NAOROJi’S WRITINGS

First, as fai as the “ statutory ” service is concerned
here is the extiaoidinaiy result In the instiuctions, the
object of the Commission was statec! , “ bi oadly speaking, ’ ’
“to devise a scheme which may leasonfibly be hoped to
possess the necessaiy elements of finality, and to do full
justice to the claims of the Natives of India to hiqhei and
more extensive employment m the public service ” , and m
this the Goveinoi-Geneial in Council fully and cordially
agreed

This was the promise, and what is the performance ’
The admission of one sixth Indians into the Covenanted
Service we already possessed by law — and in operation
We weie already eligible to all Uncovenanted Services
Full justice, and still higher and more extensive employ-
ment were promised — and what did we actually get We
were deprived of what we already by law (of 1870)
possessed , and instead of giving us “full justice’’ it
deprived us of all our hopes and aspirations to be admit-
ted to an equality of employment with British ofiioials ,
and we were coolly, mercilessly, despotically, and
illegally consigned to a small pariah service, open to
Europeans also — which had been already schemed and
' firmly detei mined upon ten yeais befoiem the despatch
of 2nd May, 1878 — ^in utter and dishonouiable violation
of the Acts of 1883 and 1870, and three gracious
Proclamations This is the way in which the Public
Service Commission has earned out its object to devise
a scheme to possess elements of finality and to do full
justice to the claims of the Natives to higher and more
extensive employment in the public service

Now, with regard to simultaneous examinations, the
conduct of the Public Service Commission seems to be
still more extraordinary Why they actually reported as

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE 461

fai as I can see, in opposition to the weight of evidence,
I cannot understand Mr William Digby has analysed
the evidence in a letter to Loid Cross, of 8th May, 1889,
and I append that part of his letter I asked the Secretaiy
of State to inform me whether Mr. Digby’s analysis was
correct or not, but the information was not given me

There is again a curious coincidence between the
action of Loid Lytton and LordDufferm which I may
intervene heie

Of Loid Lytton I have alieady mentioned about the
contrast bettveen his speech at the Delhi Duibai in Janu-
ary, 1877, and his action in the despatch of 2nd May,
1878

On 4th Qctobei, 1886, was started the Public Service
Commission, and m the beginning of the veiy nevt year,
1887, on the occasion of the Jubilee, Lord Dufferm said
in his Jubilee speech —

" Wide and broad, indeed aiethe new gelds m which, the
Government of India is called upon to labour, but no longei is
afore time need it hiboui alone Within the priiod we are
reviewing, education has done its woik,and wa .ire suirounded
on all sides, by Native gentlemen of great attainments and Intel
hgonoo, from whose beaity, loyal, and honest oo operation vve
may hope to deiive the greatest benefit In fact, to an
administration so peonlnrly situated as ours, “ tlicu advice,
assistance, and sohdniitv are essential to the suoocssful ex
eicise of its functions ” Nor do I regard with any other feel
mgs than those of appioval and good will then natural
ambition to be more extensively associated with then English
rulers in the administration of their own domestio atfaus ”

At the same time the Empress of India thus empha-
sises hei great Proclamation of 1853 —

" It had always been, and will always be, her earnestdesire
to maintain unswervingly the principles kid down in the Pro
clamation published on her assumption of fhe direct conti ol
of the Government of India ”

462 DADABHAI NAOBOJl’S WBITINGS

And these two declaiationa of hope and justice came
to what end ? Within two yeais, as 1 hare already said,
Loid Cioss, with a luthlesa hand, snatched away from
us the small inbtalment ol justice which Sir B. Noitbcote
had done to us, consigned us to a small “ pariah service,”
and destroyed virtually all oui charters and aspirations

I now come to the last daik section of this sad chap-
ter, which also shows that, to our misiortune, we have
had nothing but bitter disappointments — since 1833 —
nothing but “ subteifuges ” and “ political hypocrisy” up
to the piesent day

Propose anything for the benefit of Europeans and
it IS done at once The Eoyal Engineering College at
Ooopeis Hill and the Exchange Compensation Allowance
are two notorious instances, the latter especially heait-
less and despotic The Goveinment of India has
distinctly admitted that the compensation is illegal It
knew also that it would be a heartless act towaids the
poverty-stucken people of India But, of course, when
Euiopean interests aie conoeinad, legality and heart go
to the winds , despotism and foioe aie the only lay and
argument Here is another curious incident connected
both with examinations and Europeans

As I have already placed before the Commission my
papers on the entire exclusion of Indians from military
and naval examinations, either here or m Indra, I will
nob say anythrng more The currous incident is this —

The War OfBce would not admit Indians to examina-
tions even in this country, and on no account simultane-
ously lu India But they allowed Europeans to be ex-
amined directly m Indra St George OoUege, Massoori,
examined its boys A boy named Eodenok O’ Connor
qualified for Sandhurst from the college in 1893 Two

INDIANS IN covenanted CIVIL SERVICE. 46.^

boys named Herbert Eoddy and Edwin Eoddy had also
passed fiom that college

On 2nd June, 1893, the House of Commons passed
the Eesolution to have simultaneous examinations in
England and India for all the services for which the
examinations aie at piesent held in England alone ''

Had such a Eesolution been passed for any other
depaitment of State it would have never daied to offer
lesistance to it Eut with unfortunate India the case is
quite different

The Eesolution of 2nd June, 1893, having been cai-
ried, the Undei- Secretary of State for India (Mr Eiissell
said {Hansard, vol 17, p 1035) “ It may be in the recol-
lection of the House that in my official capacity it was my
duty eailier m th5 Session to oppose a Eesolution in favour
of simultaneous examinations But the House of Com-
mons thought differently fiom the Government That once
do)ie I need hardly say that the>e is no disposition on the
pmt of the Secretary of State foi India or myself to
thwaitor defeat the effect of the vote of the House of
Commons on that Eesolution

" We nave consulted the Uo\pinuient of Indu, and hove
asked them as “ to the way” m which the Resolution of the
House “ can best be earned out ” It is a matter too luipoit
ant CO be earned out without the advice of the Indian Go^elll
ment, and at present impossible to stite explicitly what will
be done ”

Now, the Commission will observe that the Govern-
ment of India was to be consulted as to the way m which

•“ All open competitive examinations heietofoie hold in
England alone foi appointments to the Cuil 3ei vices of India
shall henceforth be held simultaneous both in India and Eng
land, such examinations in both countiies being identical
m then nature, and all who compete being finanlly classifleo;
in one list accoiding to ment ”

464 : DADAEHAI NAOBOJi'S WBITINGS.

the Resolution was to bs best carried oat, and not as to
wJietlw it 10, IS to be earned out of not nor to thwart or
defeat It What did the Piime Minister (Mi Gladstone)
say

“ The qnastioii is a very important one, .lod has lecpivecl
the careful consideration of Government That have detei
mined that the Kesolution of the House should be referred to
the Government of India without delay, and that there should
be a prompt and careful examination of the subject by that
Government, who “ are instructed ” to say in "what mode’’m
then opinion, and under what conditions and limitations the
Resolution ‘ could be carried into etleot ’’

It must be observed again that the Government of
India were to he instructed to say by what mode the
Besolution could be ou) ? led I'rdo eff'Sct

After such declarations by two important ofBcials
what did the Secretary of State do ^

Did he loyally confine himself to these declarations ’
We know that Loid Kimbeiley (who was then the Secre-
tary of State) was dead against simultaneous examina-
tions He knew full well that the Government of India
was well known to the woild to be as dead against any
such mteiest of the Indians, Sir James Peile in his
minute even said as much And yet in a very clever way
the Indian Office adds a sentence to its despatch, virtual-
ly telhng the Government of India to resist altogethei
The last sentence added to the despatch was —

"8 I will only point out that it is indispensable that an
adequate number of the membeia of the Oivil Service shall
always be Europeans and that no scheme would be admissible
wnloh does not fulfil that essential condition ”

And furthei, that there should remain no doubt of
the real intention of this sentence, six mambeis of the
Council wrote vehement minutes emphatically indicating
that the doveinment of India should lesist — not obey
the instruction as to what mode should be adopted to

INJJIAWS IN COVJiiNANTED CIVIL SEBVIOE 'tti&

carry out the Eeaolution And thus, knowing full well
what the Government of India’s views were, knowing
also that the Eesolution was passed nohoUhstandi?ig
the opposition of the Government, knowing also that
Mr Eussell had distinctly told the House of the accept-
ance by the Government of what the House decided,
and promising on behalf of the Secietaiy of State, as
well as himself, not to thiuait o) defeat the Besulution,
Lord Kimberley sent the Indian lamb back to the
Goveinment wolf, as if the Eesolution of the House was
not of the slightest consequence, and the Governments
heie and in India were supreme and above the House
of Commons They had always done this for two-thuds
of a century to every Act or Eesolution of Parlia-
ment, or the Sovereign’s Pioclamations

With such open suggestion and encouragement
fiom the Seoietary of State and his councillois, and with
their own firm determination not to allow the advance-
ment of the Natives by simultaneous examination — even
having only lately snatched away fiom the hands of the
Indians the little instalment of justice that was made by
Sir Stafford Northcote and the Duke of Aigyll, and was
approved by Lord Salisbuiy — what could be expected m
reply to such a despatch Of com so, the Government
of India resisted with a will, tooth and nail, as they had
always done

At first, the Goveinment of Madias was one for
lust'ce And then, in the vicious ciicle in which all
Indian interests aie usually cleverly entangled, the
Government here made that very resistance of the
Indian Government a subterfuge and excuse for itself —
that as the Goveinment of India refuses they could not
carry out the Eesolution ' And the House of Commons

466 DADABHAT NAOROJl’S WHITINGS.

had, as usual on Indian matters, one more disregard and
insult

And thus was one moie disappointment — the bifcfcei-
est of all the 64 years of disappointments the people of
India have suffeied And >et there are men who raise up
their hands in wonder that theie should be any dissatis-
faction among the Indians, when they themselves are
the veiy meahois of this discontent and great suffering

I have referred to Lord Kimboiley’s actions, which
showed how he was actuated from the veiy beginning.
Now even hefoie the despatch was sent to India, Lord
Kimberley himself showed his full hand and let the
Government of India know, by anticipation, his entile
resistance to the Eesolution within nine days of the
passing of the Eesolution on 2nd June, 1893, and ten
days ic/oj e the despatch was sent to India He said
{dinner to Lord Eoboits by the Loid Mayor — Times,
13th June, 1893) —

" Tlieie IS one point upon which I imagins, whatever may
ha out paifcy politic^ m tins country, we are all united , that
wo are resolutely deteimmad to maintain onr supremacy over
om Indian JSmpue That I oonoeiva is a nwttei about which
we have only one opinion, and let me toll you th it that supie
maoy lasts upon three distinct bases One of those bases, and
a vary impoitant one, is the loyalty and good will of the Native
PnnoBs and population over whom we rule Next, and not
less important, is the mamtenanoe of our “ Euiopean ” Civil
Seivico, upon which lests the foundation of our admunstraticn
in India . Last, not because it is the least, but because
I wish to give it the gieateat piommenee, we rest aiao upon
the magoifieent European force which wo maintain in that
country, and the splendid army of Native auxiliaries by which
that force is supported . Let us firmly and oalmiy main-
tain out position in that country , let ua be thoroughly aimed
as to onr frontier detenoes, and then I believe we may trust to
the old vigour of the people of this oountiy, coma what may,
to suppoit our supremacy m that great Bmpiie.”

Now, if it was as he said, theie was only one opinion

INDIANS IN COVENANTED OIVUi SEEVIOB 467

and snoh resolute determination, why on earth was all the
fuss and expanse of a Public Service commission made ’
If European service was a resolute determination, was it
not strange to have the subject of simultaneous examina-
tions taken up at all by the Commission on giounds
of reason, when it was a resolute, despotic, foiegone con-
clusion ’ And why was the statutory service disturbed
when it had been settled by Northcote, Argyll, and
Salisbury and Parliament as a solution of compromise ?

Now, we must see a little further what Lord
Kimberley’s speech moans It says, “ One of those
bases, and a veiy important one, is the loyalty and
good-will of the Native Princes and population over
whom we lule " Now, the authorities both in England
and India do everything possible to destroy that very
loyalty and good-will, or, as it is often called, content-
ment, which these authorities profess to depend upon
I cannot say anything here about the Native Princes
But what about the good-will of the Native population i
Is it productive of loyalty and good-will (wi'l a Briton
be similarly content) to tell the Indians, “ you will be
kept riown with the iron heel upon youi neck of
Buropen services — military and civil — m ordei to main-
tain our power over you, to defend ourselves against
Eussian invasion, and theieby maintain our position in
Europe, to increase our territory in the Bast, and to
violate all our most solemn pledges And all this at
your cost, and mostly with your blood, just as the
Empire itself has been built up TVe have the powei
and for our benefit , and you put >our Parliament and
your Proclamations into your iiocket " Queer way of
producing contentment and loyalty '

This IS a strange supeiiority over the despotic old

468 DADABHAI HAOEOJI’S WHITINGS

Indian system 1 It is seldom a matter of the slightest
thought to out authorities as to who should pay for
these European services and for the outside wars, and
what the consequences are of the “ bleeding

In connexion with India gensially, the Englishman
(with some noble exceptions) deteriorates from a lover
of Iibeity to a lovei of despotism, without the slightest
regaid as to how the Indians are affected and bled.
Ha suddenly becomes a superior, infallible being, and
demands that what ha does is light, and should never
he questioned (Mr Gladstone truly called the “gai-
ment and law of force ” as the law and argument of
the piesent Anglo-Indian rule) “ Oui boys ” is his
interest The “ boys ” of others may go to the dogs,
perish 01 be degraded for what he oaies.

This IS what the Anglo Indian spuit of power,
selfishness, and despotism (strange pioducts of the
highest civilisation) speaks through the mouth of the
heads How this spirit, it continued, will recoil on
this country itself, there cannot be foi Englishmen
themselves much ditficulty to undeistand

My remarks about Loid Kimbeiley aie made with
much pain He is one of the best Englishmen I have
ever met with But oui misforbunq is this Secretaiies
of State (with few exceptions) being not much convei-
sant with, or students of, the true Indian affaus, place
themselves in the hands of Anglo-Indians If. fortunately,
one turns out capable of understanding the just claim
of the Indians and does .something, some successoi
undei the evailasting influence of permanent officials
subveits the justice done, and the Indian inteiests
perish with all their dire consequences. A Sir Stafford
Hoithcote gives, a Loid Gross snatches away

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL .SERVICE 4:69

It Will be seen that theveiy claiui now put forwaid
the Indian authorities of having dona a gieat favour
by the “Provincial Seivice” is misleading and not
lustified. On the contiary, we aio depiived of what
we aheady possessed by an Act of Pailiamenfc (1870) of
admission mbo the full Govejianted Cnil Sei vice to the
extent of about 180 oi 200 appoiutnientb, while what is
given to us with much trumpeting is a miseiabla “close
paiiah service” of about Oo Covenanted specific
appointments, and that even not confined to Indians,
but open to Europeans also, and so devised that no
regular admission (as far as I know) on some oiganised
system and tests is adopted, and 1 undeistaud it to be
said that some twenty or thirty jeaio will elapse before
the scheme will come into some legiilaropeiation Can
theie be a greater blow and injustice to the Indians
and a greater discredit to the aubhoiitios But what re
worst of all is that insidious ettorts are made to
undermine and destroy all oin charters of equal
British citizenship with the people ol this couutii

Lord Kimberley’s speech m support of the piesent
system is the best justification of what IMacaulav had
said that “ the heaviest of all yokes is the yoke of the
strangei ” If this speech meant anytliingi it meant
that the Butish yoke ovei India should be as heavy a
foieign yoke as could be made Eoi, he does not sa\" a
word that if England employs the Eiuopeau Agency
toi its own sake he should think it just that England
should pay foi it, or, at least, the greatei poition oi
half of it Any such act of justice does not seem to
occui to the Anglo-Indian'" Mabteit. ” India alone
must bleed for whatever the Master wills And Biitain
cares not as it has nothing to pay Woise still, the

470 DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WHITINGS.

maafeei's do not &eem to care what deterioration of chai-
acter and capacity is caused to the Indians.

As to the fitness and integrity of the Indians in
any kind of situation — military oi oivd — thei e is now
no room for contioveiay, even though they have not had
a fair trial they have shown integrity, pluck, industry,
courage and culture, to a degree of which the British
people may well be proud, as being the authors of it. I
have already touched upon the point of fitness in one
of the statements

About loyalty In the despatch of 8th June, 1880,
tlie Government of India itself said, “ To the minds of
at least the educated among the people of India — and
the number is lapidly increasing — any idea of the
subversion of British power is abhorrant from the con-
sciousness that it must result in the wildest anarchy
and confusion. ”

The fact is that because India asks and hopes foi
J]}zUsh inle on Biztish principles, and not un-Bntish
lule on un-Biitish principles of pure despotism aggra-
vated by the worst evils of a foreign domination, that
the educated are devotedly loyal, and regard then efforts
for this purpose as then highest and best patriotism No-
thing can be more natural and sensible.

SOMMABY.

In 1833, a noble clause was passed by Bailiament—
'aval y thing that the Indians could desire Had the Execu-
tives loyally and faithfully carried out that clause, India
would have been m the course of more than sixty yeais
a piospeious and contented and deeply loyal country,
and a strength and a benefit to the British Empire to

INDIANS IN COVENANTED OIVID SERVICE. 471

an extent haidly to be conoeivecl oi lealised at piesent,
■when, by an opposite couise, India is afflicted -wnth all
the horiois and miseiy to which humanity can possibly
be exposed Aftei 1333, twenty years passed but
nothing done Fiesh effoits weie made in Pailiament
to put the Indians on the same footing as British
subieots, by simultaneous examinations in this country
and India Stanley, Blight, Eich and others protested
to no purpose , the violation of the Act of 1833 con-
tmued

Then came the great and gloiious Proclamation of
the Queen m 1868, and a new bright hope to the
Indians . but not fulfilled up to the piesent day. In
1860, a Committee of five members of the Council of
the Secretary of State pointed out tiie dishonour of the
British name, and reported that simultaneous exami-
nations were the best method to do lustice to the Act
of 1833 — to no purpose, the Report was suppressed and
the public knew nothing about it In 1867, the Bast
India Association petitioned for the admission into the
Covenanted Civil Service of a small proportion ot
Indians Sir Staftoid Noithcote admitted the justice
of the prayei, and pioposed a clause to give a paitial
fulfilment of the Act of 1833 The Duke of Argyll
passed it Lord Salisbuiy approved of it, but pointed
out how the jealousy of the Anglo-Indians would wreck
it — a prophecy which was not long to be fulfilled

The Government of India lesisted tooth and nail,
and made some outiageous proposals m the despatch
of 2nd May, 1878 It was then that Loid Lytton, in
a minute, admitted the ignoble policy of subteifuges
and dishonour upon which the Executives had all along
acted since 1833.

472 DADABHAI NAORO.Il’S ^YRITINGS.

A strong and justly inclined Secretary (Lord Cran-
l.roolO persisted, brushed aside ail resistance and plausi-
bilities, and compelled the Government of India to give
effect to the clause. The Government of India, with
had grace and very reluctantly, made the rules — clever-
Iv dravv^n up to throw discredit upon the service — the
worst part was rejected by Lord Cranbrooh , but an
insidious device remained, and the appointments were
begun to be made. The Anglo-Indians boiled with
rage, and the explosion on the Ilbert Bill was the open
declaration of war. Lord Salisbury on that occasion
confessed that the conduct of the Executive all along
w’as merely political hypocrisy .

The agitation subsided, but the appointments having
remained to be continued the boiling under the crater
continued, and, instead of exploding, the Governmeiat
resorted to other devices and gained their settled object
wdth a vengeance — the report of the Public Service
Commission confirmed the foregone conclusions against
the Statutory Service and simultaneous examinations.

The statutory service of full eligibility and of about
5>00 employments in the course of thirty years in the
whole Covenanted Service was abolished, and the
wretched scheme of May 2nd, 1878, established instead.

The whole position has been thrown back worse-
than it ever was before.

A Conservative (Sir Stafford Northcote) proposed,
and a Liberal (Duke of Argyll) passed the Act of 1870
to do some justice. A Conservative (Lord Cranbrook)
insisted upon carrying it out, A Liberal (Lord Kimber-
ley) began to undermine it, and another Conservative
(Lord Cross) gave it the deathblow — though, to the
humiliation of the House of Commons, the Act remains

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE. 473

•on the Statute Book. What faith can the Indians have
on any Act of Parliament ? To-day something given, to-
morrow snatched away : Acts and. Eesolutions of Parlia-
ment and Proclamations notwithstanding.

Once more Parliament did justice and passed the
Eesolution, in 1893, foe simultaneous examinations, to
share the same grievous fate as all its former enact-
ments. And the Indian Executive thus stands proclaim-
ed the supreme power over the heads of all — Parlia-
ment, people, and Sovereign.

,The whole force and object of the two references to
our Commission is to reply to Sir Henry Fowler’s most
important challenge, and that reply mainly depends upon
the consideration of the way in which the clauses in the
Acts of 1833 and 1870 and the Proclamations are dealt
with.

Sir Henry Powder’s challenge is this : The question
I wish to consider is, whether that Government, with all
its machinery as now existing in India, has, or has not,
promoted the general prosperity of the people of India,
and whether India is better or worse off by being a
province of the British Crown : that is the test.’’

1 may here give a few extracts as bearing upon the
subject and its results. I am obliged to repeat a few that
1 have already cited in my previous statements.

Sir William Hunter has said : —

“ Yon cannot work with imported labour as cheaply as you
can with Native labour, and I regard the more exfcejided
employment of the Natives noti only as an act of justice but

as a financial necessity” 1 believe that it will be

impossible to deny them a larger share in the administration.

- The appointsiaents of a few Natives annually to the

Govenented Civil Servii?e will not solve the problem If

we are to govern the Indian people efficiently and cheaply we
must govern them ‘‘ by means of themselves” and pay tor the

IJHAI NAOUOJl’a WKITIN&S

i74 DADU

iJmmis.ti.atioa ut the maiket lates of Native labour . , ^

Good woik thus oommeneed has assumed such dimensions
under the yueon’s Government of fndia that it can no longpi
be earned on, “ or even supervised, by imported labour ” from
England, e\eept at a cost which India cannot sustain ”

“ I do not believe that a people numbering one si\bh of the
vhole inhabitants of the globe, and whose aspirations have
leen nourished from their earliest youth on the strong food of
duglish libertv, can be periloinently denied a voice in the
•ovoinment of the country ”

Lord Salisbury has said “ But it would be a great evil if
ihe result of our domiuion was th it the Natives of India who
veie capable of government should be absolutely and hope
essly excluded from such a career ”

Now (iliat it 18 emphatically declaied that all piofes
nous of equality of British citizenship were only so much
rypocrisy — that India must be bled of its wealth, work,
■nd wisdom, that it must e^ist only for the maintenance
if British Eule by its blood, its money, and its slavery —
England and India are face to face, and England ought to
leclare what, in the name of civilisation, justice, honour,
,nd all that is righteous England means to do for the
utme The piiuciples of the statesmen of 1833 were
‘ Be just and feai not , ” the principles of the present
tatesmen appear to be “ Eeai and be unjust ” Let
mdia know which of the two is to be her future fate
lowevei mighty a Power may be, justice and righteous-
less are mightier far than all the mightiness of brute-
01 ee. Macaulay has said “ Of all forms of tyranny I
relieve that the woist is that of a nation over a nation ”
^nd he has also said “ The end of government is the
lapprness of the people ” Ha ■. the end of Indian govern-
nent been such, or all a “terrible misery,” as Lord
Salisbury has truly ehaiacteiised it Let the question!
re honestly answered

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE 475

The stafcaamen of 1833 accepted that "the righteous
are as bold as a lion ” But the authonties seem to have
always forgotten it or ignored it , and political cowardice
lias been moia bafoia their eyes

Lord Salisbury has said many more tiuths, but I
have mentioned them before
Mr Gladstone has said —

“ It la the piedoramiince .i that nioial force foi which 1
heartily pray m the deliberations of this House, and the con-
(Inot of oui wholo public policy, for I am eouvioced that upon
that predorainancB depends that which should bo the first
object of all our desues as it is of .ill oui “dully ofifioial
piavers," namely, that union of heart and sentiment which
constitutes the two bases of strength at home, and therefore
both of strength and good fame thioiighout the civih?e4
world."

Again

“ There can be no mote melancholy, and in the last resulti
no more degrading spectacle upon earth than the spectacle of
oppiesaion, or of wrong inwhateiei form, inflicted by tha
deliberate Act of a nation upon mother nation

’■ But on the othai hand there can be iioblei spectacle
than that which we think is now diawiiig upon us, the specta-
cle of a nation dehbeiatelv set on the leiuov.il of injustice,
deliberately determined to bieak — not thiough teiroi, and not
m haste, but under the sole influenco of duty and honour —
deteimined to break with whatever remains still existing of an
evil tradition, and deteimined in that way at once to pay a
debt of justice, and to consult by a bold, wise and good Act,
its own interest and its own honoui ’’

These extiaots refer to Iielanci They apply v?ith
ten times the force to India

With regard to India, he has fully admitted that
theia the law and argument of England was “ the law
and argument of force ” Lord Eandolph ChurchilL
realised the true position of the evil foreign domination
of England m India under the present system He said —
“ The position of India in relation to taxation and the
Bouices of the public revenues is veiy peculiar, not raeiely from.

476 J)Ar)AItHM XAOROJI’S writings

the h.tljits of the people, iind their strong aversion to change,
■which 18 inoic specially e'vhibited to new forma of taxation,
“ but likewise fiom the < haiaetei of the government, which is
in the hands of foioigneis, who hold all the principal adininis
sratno olhces and form so large apart of the Army.” The
impatience of the new taxation which will have to be borne
■wholly as a consequence of “the foreign rule imposed on the
oountiy, ’’ and urtnally to meet additions to charges ariBing
outside of the country, would “ constitute a political danger, ’
the real magnitude ol which, it is to be feared, is not at all ap
pieciated by peisons who baio no knowledge of oi ooncein in
the Government of Indi i, but what those responsible for that
Government have,long regarded “as of the most serious oidei ”

The Bast India Company, in their petition against
change of government, said —

“ That youi petilioneis cannot contemplate without dis
may the doctime now widely promulgated that India should
be adinmistered with an especial view to the benefit of the
English who lesidc there, or that in its administration “any
advantage should bo sought for Hei Majesty’s subjects of Eu
Topean biith,” except that which they will neoossaiily derive
irom then superioritv of intelligence, and from the increased
prospeiity of the people, the impiovement of the productive
lesouices of the counti j and the extension of commercial inter
course ”

The comse, bovvcvci, during the admmistiation by
the Clown, has been to legard the interests of Euro-
peans as the most important, and paramount, and gene-
rally evoiy action is based upon that pimoiple, with
little concern oi thought what that meant to the people
of India at large

Everything foi the benefit of Indian mterests is the
lomance, any eveiythmg foi the benefit of the British
and “ ciuel and ciushing tribute" fiom Indians is the
reality

The edifice of the Biitish Eule lests at present upon
the sandy foundation of Asiatic despotism, injustice, and
all the evils of a foreign domination, as some of the best
English statesmen have fiequently declared , and the

INDIANS IN COVKNANTED OIVIL SEKVICB 477

more thib ediface is made heavier by additions to these
evils, as lb continuously being done, by violation ol
pledges and exclusion of Indians fiom seivmg in tbeii
own couiitiy, with all its natural evil consequences the
gieatei, the moie devastating and oomplete, I amgiieved
to foiesee, uill be the ultimate clash

The question of remedy I have already dealt with
in one of niy representations to the Commission

In a letter in the Tnnes of September 2H last,
Bishop Tuguell quotes an extract from the Tnnes with
iegard to the African laces How much more forcibly
does it apply to India, to whom the people of England
mostly owe the foimation and maintenance of the Biitish
Indian Empire, and who for then lewaid receive
teriible miaery " and “ bleeding ’’

The Times says —

“ Tlir time baa long pissed awij when ive were content
to justitv om rule by the stiong hand alone We should no
longet hold oui great tiopical possessions with an easy con-
soiem e dul wt not feel cniivimed that om tenure of tbeui is (or
the iidiantage, not of oin selves onlj, hut of the subject
peoples ”

Can a, fau-rainded, honest Englishman saj that he
has hib easy conscience with regard to India, after the
war-s, famine and pestilence which have been devastating
that illfatad countiy, after a British Eule of a century
and a half ?

Macaulay Jias sard, m 1883 —

“ ‘ Pioptoi vitam vnendi peideie oausas ' is a despicable
policy eithei in individuals or States In the present case
such a policy would not only be despicable but absiud ”

After describing fiom Bernier the practice of miser-
able tyrants of poisoning a dreaded subject, he say s —

“ That detestable aitilice, moie horrible than assabSination
itseli, was woithy of those who employed it It is no model

478 DAi)VI!H\.l KAOROJI’S WEITINOS

foi the English nation. AVe shall nevei consent to admmistei
the poaaU to a whole coiiiinunity — to stupefy and paralyse a
gieat people— -whom God h is coiiJiiiitted to out chavge, for the
wietehed puipose of rendeiing them mole amenable to oiu
control ”

Lord LLiifcingfcon said in 1883 —

" It 13 not wise to educate the people of India, to introduce
among them youi civilisation and vom piogiass and youi htei-
ature, and at the same tmio to toll them shall novel have any
chance of taking any part or share m the admmistiation of the
affaus of then country, except by then getting iid m the hist
instance of their European xuleis Suiely, it would not bo
Wise to tall a patiiotio Isative of India that ” ^

This naturally suggests the question of the future of
India with legaid to Bussia This is lather a wide sub-
ject, and somewhat indirectly connected with this state-
ment Blit I may say here that theie aie, in my think-
ing, cei tarn features m the Indian lule of gieat plausi-
bility, which the Eussians, by then emissaries, will urge
upon the mind of the masses of the Indians, when they
aie ID any spirit of discontent, with great effect against
the English Noi need I entei on the speculation
whethei Eussia would he able to make a lodging in India
These are matteis which every Englishman is bound to
consider calmly The English people and Eaihamant
should not wait to oonsidei them till it is too late My
whole fear is, that if the Butisb people allow things to
drift on in the present evil system, the disastei may
come to both countries when it is too htte to pi event or
repair it

My whole earnest anxiety is that righteous means
may be adopted by which the connection 'between
the two countries may be stiengtbened with gieat
blessings and benefits to both countues I speak freely,
because I feel strongly that it is a thousand pities that a
connection that caw be made gieat and good to both

INDIANS IN COVENANTBJ) CIVII, SERVICE 479

countries is blindly being undei mined and destroyed
with detriment to both. My pievious statements have
clearly shown that The whole question ot the blessing
01 curse of the connection of England and India upon
both countries rests mainly upon the honourable and
loyal fulfilment of the Act of 1833 and the Pioolamation
of 1858, 01 upon the dishonour of the non-fulfilment of
them " Eighteousness alone will exalt a nation ,
Iniustice will bring down tbe mightiest to luin ”

I conclude with my earnest hope and prayer that
our Oommiasion will pronounce clearly upon all the vital
questions involved in then two references ofe which I
have submitted my views

One last word of agonj With the due calamities
with which we have been overwhelmed, and in the midst
of the greatest jubilation in the woid, m which we took
our hearty share, m spite of those calamities, we have
not, as far as I know, got tlie word of oiu greatest hops
and consolation — a lepetition of the most gracious Pro-
clamation of 1858, of equality of British citizenship,
which we laceiv'ed on the assumption of the Imperial
title and on the Jubilee, noi of anvtbinq of its appli-
cation.

Youis truly,

D\d\bhai NAOROJI

VIL

INDIANS IN THE INDIAN CIVIL
SERVICE.*

A

In pioposmg foi youi adoption this memoiial, i I
am glad that I have n vary easy task before me, unless I
cieate some giants of my own imagination to knock
them down, foi on the piinciple of the memoiial I see
on all hands theie is but one opinion Beginning with
oni gracious Soveieign, she has emphatically declared
V7ith legaid to the natives of India (in a proclamation
dated the 1st of Novembei, 1858), “ We hold ourselves
bound to the natives of oui Indian temtoiies by the same
obligations of duty which bind us to all om other sub-
jects, and those obligations, by the blessing of Almighty
God, we shall faithfully and conscientiously fulfil ”
Then refeiimg to this paiticular point, the proclama-
tion goes on, “ It is oui fuither will, that so far as may
be, our subiects, of wbatevei lace or oieed, be freely and
impartially admitted to offices in our service, the duties
of which may be qualified by their education, ability,
and mtegiity duly to digohaige ” That being the giaci-
OU3 declaiation of the will and pleasure of oui Soveieign,

’ (Paper read hefoie an evening Meeting of the Bast India
Afisooiation, at London, Toosclay, August 13th, 1867 Loid
Lyveden in the Chau )

t “ We, the members of the East India Association, beg
respectfully to submit that the tuna has eoma when it is de
aitable to admit the natives of India to a larger shaie m the
administration oi India than hitherto ’’

INDIANS IN THI5 INIiIAIJ CHID ^ESVICE 481

let US ija&s next to the opinion of railuiment upon the
subiect The opinion of Pailiament has been all long
tleoisive upon this mattei As fai luck as 1833, in the
Act of that year, it was disbiiictlv cleclaied, “ That no
native of the said teiiitoiies, noi an^y natuial-bom sub-
lect of His Maiesty, lesident tlieiein, shall, by leason
only of his religion, place of bnth, cle-^cent, coloui, or
any of them, be disabled tiom holding any place,

“To you, sir, it is quite uDncccsaar\ to point out the jus-
tice, necessity, and importance of this step, na in the debate in
i’aiiiament, on May 24 last, you h.iic pointed out this so
emphatically and oleaily, that it is enough foi us to quote your
own noble and statesmanlike seiiliim-iits You aaid — ‘Kottiing
could be more wonderful than oiu empire in India, but we
ought to consider on what conditions we held it, and how
oui predeoessois held it The greatness of the Mogul empire
depended upon the Iibeial policy that « as pursued by men
like Alcbar, availing themselves of Hindu talent and assistance,
and identifying themselveb as far as possible with the people
of the country He thought thot they ought to take a lesson
fiom such a ciionmstance, »nd it they ueie to do then duty
towards India they could only disch iige tint duty by obtain
mg the assistance and coiinseJ of ill viho weie gieat and good
in that country. It would be absurd in them to svj that tbeie
w'as not .1 large fund of statosm.insbip and ability in the
ludian ohaiactei (2’i«ies,2jth May , 1S67 ) With these friend
Iv aud just sentiments towards the people of India v*e fully
concur, and theiefore, instead of tiespasemg any more upon
your time, we beg to lay before you oui views as to the best
inode of aooomphsbing the object

“ We think that the competitive examinations for a poi
tion of the appointments to the Indian Civil Seivice should be
held in India, undei such lules and aiiangemeiita as you may
think pioper What poition of the appointments should be
thus competed for m India vve oinnot do hotter than leave to
yoiir own judgment Aftei the selection is made in India, by
the first exainmatiOD, we think it essential that the selected
candidates ha lequued to come to England to pass their fur
ther examination b with the selected candidatCbOf this couiitiy

“ In the same spirit, and with kindred objects in view
foi the general good of India, we would ask you to extendr

.J)AI!HAI NAOR03l’a WRITINGS

office, or employment under the said Company , ” and
on every occasion when Parliament has had the matter
bofoie it, there lias scarcely been any opposition
to the principle enunciated by tins memorial Again,
up to the latest day, during the past three or
four debates m Parlrament whrch have taken place this
year, we have seen the same prmcrple emphatically
declared , even in last night’s debate we find the same
again brought forward m a promrnent way by some
who are friends to India, and who also wish well to
England While we have this testimony on the part of
0111 Soveieign and Parliament, we find that the press
upon this mattei at least is unanimous So far back as
1833, in commenting upon the petition presented by

YCiut kind encouragement to native youths of promise and
ability to come to England foi the completion of their edu
Liition We believe that if scholarships, tenable for five years
in this country, were to be annually awarded by competitive
csAoimation in India to native candidates between the ages of
15 and 17, some would compete auocessfully m England for
the Indian Civil Seivice, while others would return in vari-
ous professions to India, and where by degrees they would
form an enlightened and unpiejudioed class, exercising a
great and beneficial influence on nauve society, and consti-
tuting a link between the iiiaxses of the people and then
English tuleis.

“ In laying before you this memorial we feel assured, and
we trust that you will also agree with us, that this measure,
which has now become necessary by the advancement of
education in India, will promote and strengthen the loyalty
of the natives of India to the, British Rule, while it will also
be a satisfaction to the British people to ha\ e thus by one
moie instance practically proved itsdesuetq advance the
condition of their Indian tellow-subjecta, ,ind to act justly
by them

“ We need not point out to you, su, how gieat an
■enooutagement these examinations m India will be to educa
tiQu. The great prizes of the appointments will naturally
increase vastly the desiie for education among the people ”

INDIANS IN THE INDIAN CIVIL ‘!BBVICE

483

the Bombay AB'iociatnon, I land a laige piopoition of the
press hole admitted the justice and tiuth of the
complaints made by the natives of Jndia, as to the
exclusiveness adopted m the civil seivice at the tune,
and urging that the natives should be to a suitable extent
mtioduced into the enjoyment oi the higher places of
lesponsibihty and trust And leceutlv, in commenting
upon the debates that have taken place in Parliament,
which I have just leferied to, the piess has been equally
unanimous in refeience to this subject As fai as
Pailiament and the piess aie any indication of the
opinions of the people, we can say the people are at one
on this subject As far as my peisonal knowledge is
concerned, during the twelve yeais I have been lieic, oi
while I was m India, I must confess that I have alwajs
found every Englishman that I have spoten to on the
subject, admittmg its justice, and assuiing me that
England will always do its duty towaids India I have
been sometimes told that some civilians, perhaps, do
not like it but I should not do the injustice to say that
I lecollect any instance in which such an opinion has
been expiessed to me The testimony of all eminent
men m the Indian seivice is in favoui of giving all
necessary facilities foi the admission ot natives of India
to the civil seivice, as well as that of all those eminent
statesmen heie who have made India then study The
juteiest that the natives feel m this subject I need not
at all enlarge upon that can be at once conceived by
then presence here , the inteiest they would feel in the
Government of India by having the lesponsibilities of
that admimstiation on then own heads, speaks foi
itself , and at the same time the strength it would give
-to the British Eule is also a mattei of the gieatest

48^ DAD'lBHVI N^OBOJl’s nmTJxNCTh

importance Lastly, I find that the pieaout tioveuiment
itself has emphatically doelaied on this point In the
woids 1 have quoted in the menioiial, Hu Staftord
Noithcote has distinctly stated, “ Nothioq could be
moie wonderful than oui eiupne m India , but we
ought to considei on what conditions we held it, and
oui piedeoessois held it The gieatnass of the Mogul
ampne depended upon the liberal policy that was
pursued by men like Akbar availing themselves of Hindu
talent and assistance, and identifsing themselves as
far as possible with the people of the countiy He
thought that they ought to take a lesson from such a
circumstance, and if they were to do than duty towaids
India, they could only dischaige that dutj by obtaining
the assistance and counsel of all who woie gieat and
good in that country. It would be absurd in them to
say that there was not a large fund of statesmanship
and ability in the Indian character " With such com-
plete testimony on the ptmciple of this memorial, I
think I was quite justified in saying at the beginning
that my task was a very easy one This last extract,
again, enables me to dispose of anotliei point, namely,
as to the capacity of the Natives of India for adminis-
tration and for high education I may at opce leave
that alone, because at this time of day after the educa-
tion which has been received by the natives of India
aftei the results as shown by the university examina-
tions, and with the actual facts of the efficiency of the
services rendered by the natives of India, whenever
they are employed m any office of responsibility and
trust, it would be simply ridiculous on my part to tiy
to prove to you their capacity for administration and
for study, and then high character The importance

INDIANS IN THE INDIVN CIVIL SERVICE 485

and justice of mfcioducing natives of India into the ad-
ministiation to a piopei extent, has been uiged tiy
vaiious eminent men at ditteieiit times before commit-
tees of the Houses of Pailiauicnt If I had consideied
it necessary, J could have collected a volume of sucli
extracts I need only glance at this point, namely the
assistance which the Government of India would derive
from the native element being introduced into it 'With
the best intentions, Englishmen cannot undeistand the
natives of India as a body , their teelmgs, their vvays of
thought, and then original education, aie so ditteionfc,
that with the best intentions on tire part of Englishmen,
they ver y often fail in pointing ont the exact remedies
for any complaints made hy the natives , but if the
natives of India weie intioduced to a propei extent into
the admimstiation of the count! y, natuially then own
countiymen would have moie sympathy with them
Those native administratoi^ W9uld Lnow where the exact
difficulties weie, and many of the pioblems of the pie-
sent day, to giapple with which all the eneigies of oui
English admmistiatois aie ta'ed iii vain, would be
solved most easily We would then ha\e the sympathy
of the natives with the Eiitisli Ruleis, and one of the
results of such a concession to the natives would be
gratitude on then pait, winch would forma stiong
foundation foi the upholding of the British Eule m
India xliid when I advocate that which would have a
tendency to uphold the Bi itish Rule in India, it is not
for the sake of the English, hut foi the sake ot the
natives themselves They have every reason to con-
giatulate themselves on being under the British Eule,
after the knowledge they haxe now deiived, and aie
every day deriving, of the henehts of it. I come, theoj
24-31

48G D\DVTiII\I NAOROJI’S ^SUITINGS

to the piactical pait of the memorial itself At present
the aiiangement is that the civil seivice examination I'j
open to all Biitish subjects , and unclei that ariange-
ment, no doubt, the natives of India can coma herei
and tney have come heie, and undoigone tlie competi-
tive examination (one has passed, and is now seiving
m India) But if we lefei bach to the gracious woids
of oui Soveieign, that the natives of India be admit
ted “ freely and impartially, ” the question natmally
aiises whether undei the present aiiangement that
declaration and that assuiance is piactically given effect
to The difficulty on the face of it is this, that the
natives are put to the disadvantage of coming ovei hoie
and remaining heie foi several yeais The usk of losing
a sum of money which peihaps thy cannot affoid, isin
itself a disadvantage sufficient to leguiie some change in
the ariangement But, supposing even some few were
willing to come heie and to compete in the examination,
it IS not desiraiile that only those few should be admitted
into the civil set vice which lequiies that those seivmg m
it, whethei native oi English, should ho of the highest
talents We do nob want those having the longest purses
only, but what we want is -in the woids of Sii Stafford
Noithcote — the assistance and counsel of all who are
gieafc and good m the country , and we cannot attain that
object unless we have a competitive examination which
would enable nil the best men of India to compete foi
appointments m the Indian Civil Soivice Such are the
men who ought to be intiodiiced into that service.
Theiefoie, putting aside all the disadvantages that the
native is put to in coming ovei to this countiy, and
which aie in theigselves sufficient to requne that some
alteration should he made in the piesent arrangement.

INDIANS IN THK INDIAN GIVITi SDRI ICE 487

the \ary best mteiests of the seivico lequue that some
competition shonlcl taka place in India whether at an
eailiov stage oi at a latei stage and that a selection
should be made, not only of those who can affoid to
spend a few thousands to come heie, but of those who
possess the host talent among the people I have nothing
mole to say than to lefei to the plan I have suggested
in the memorial, and I have left it as geneial as possible,
liecause, with the evidence befoie us of the inteiest which
Sii Staffoid Noithcote has taken in the subject, and the
emphatic mannei’ in which he has expressed his views
as to the necessity and justice of intioducing the native
element into the seivice, I can, with the utmost con-
fidence, leave any of the details that would be best suited
for the purpose to himself The natives of India are
willing to submit to any standard if they could not
come up to the standard loquned by the service, it would
be then ov n fault, and nobody would have any light to
complain , but as long as they can assort that they would
lie able to stand any standard of examrnation vhich they
may be reasonably subjected to, it is only just and proper
that they should have the opportunity given them
Take, for instance, the case of the fan trial given to the
natives for aoqniring high education There were no B A s
or M A s befoie The universities being established, we
know the result, that the natives have fully vindicated
their intellect And they only ask a fan trial for the
civil service I am desirous, that instead of taking up
more of your time, the membeis piesent should discusa
this fully, and I therefore conclude as I began with the
words of our Sovereign, “ In then prosperity will be
our strength, in their contentment out security, and in
their gratitude onr best reward ” and my only prayer is.

488

D\DABH\I NAOBOJI’S AVKITINGS

that a lewai’d noblei than that which has evei been
attained by any nation, oi any individual, may be earned
by om Biitish Euleis

In the pioposal made by me, the examination takes
place in India, lUst as it takeb place heie , the candidates
that pass in IndiS, aie exactly on the same footmg as what
are called selected candidates in England After passing
the competitive examination, thoie aie what aie called
iuithei examinations here, and it is foi those fmther ex-
aminations heie that I wish those natives to come beie,
which would be no haidship on them the utmost saciifice
which thpy might be lequired to make, if the Government
would not assist them, would be the voj age home , if the
Government would pay that, then theie would be no
haidship, because, as soon as they come heie they begin
to piepaiefoi their fuithei examination , they get the fiist
year 11100, and the second yeai ^200, and then, if they
show the necessary proficiency m the sub]eot8 they aie
leqnued to study, theie is no competition and no lejec-
tion aftei wards , they have only to show that they have
spent two years in the neeessaiy studies, having in view
the special duties lequiiedof them in India , so ih^t theie
IS no risk of their being rejected The competitive
examination in India would be what it is here, and aftei
they passed that they would be admitted as selected
candidates. As I am on my legs, allow me to add to
what I have already said, that there is no piactical diffi-
culty in what IS pioposed The whole thing is embraced
m the rules published by the Secretary of State foi
India every year , the Secretary of State for India has
only to decide as to what proportion of natives it would
be advisable to intioduoe into the civil seivice, and then
to send out instructions to the local government to

INDIANS IN TIID INDIAN CIVIL SBKVIOK

489

institute examinations of the same chaiactei and undei
the same lules that aie followed heie, undei which
examinations the candidates would be selected, the
numbei may be live oi ten, oi I should be satisfied if
theie weie two foi Bengal and one lor each of the other
pi esideneies Those examinations would take place thei e
undei the same inles and the same airangoments undei
which they take place heie The best on the list would
become tlie selected candidates, and when once they
become selected candidates theie would be no iisk of
tailing in the competition Theie aie no practical details
to piopose , the auangement of the whole thing is al-
leady piactically earned out The simple question foi
tlie Societaiy of State to decide being, what proportion
of the appointments should be competed foi in India, it
would be, I think, more pioper on the part of this
Association to laaie that to Sii Stafford Northcote and
the Oouncil They aie best able to judge as to that, and
I have e\eiv confidence that they would do that which
lb right The mannei in which justice has been done in
the case of Mysore makes me peifectly confident that we
have a Government not only willing to make professions,
but willing to do what they profess As I did not
contemplate that any details should be proposed, except
simply that a certain proportion of appointments to be
decided ou by the Secretary of State should he competed
for in India, the managing committee, to whom this
proposal was referred, thought wisely that we might at
once go to the whole Association itself, and we have done
so It the Association are inclined to adopt the proposal
of the noble chairman, of referring the matter back to a
committee, I do not say anything against it, but there is
nothing to be considered , the whole thing is leady^ cut

490 D\DAI!UAI NAOBOJiS WRITINGS

and clued. Theie aie only two points to be decided by
SiL Sfcaffoid Noifcbcote fiist, whether a cei tarn numbei
of appointments should be competed for m India oi not,
and next, what piopoition of the appointments should be
so competed foi With legaid to the \auou8 lemaiks
which have been made by Mi Ilodgeon Pratt, I agiee
with the full foice of them When he, some >eais ago,
■was anxious to piomote the plan of bringing ovoi to
England young men to be educated, I endeavouied to
contubute my humble mite to that eudeavoui All I say
upon the remaiks he has addiessed to you is this, that
he attaches a little too much impoitance to an ludepend-
ent body of natives in India wdio had received then
education in England, and who would spiead themselves
in all the ditfeient depaitments of life, being the only
means hy winch the tone of society, and the status of
the whole population would be laised , foi, we must not
foiget that, attaching to the administration of the
countiy itself, theie aie losponsibilities that must be
iiicurieJ , and when a native is mtiocluced into the ad-
ministration he comes undei a lesponsibility which an
outsider cannot appieciate It wo had only a body of
independent educated natives we should have nothing
but agitation , theie would be no counteipoise to it.
theie would be no men tiaiued uudei the yoke of le-
sponsibility, who would tell them that theie were such
and such difhculties in the way of the administration I
have consideied this matter vary caief ally foi a long time
I have taken the utmost possible tiouble to induce my
friends to come ovei here foi their education, and most
of the twenty-five who have been refeiied to aie undei
my caie I have taken that responsibility, because I
feel stiongly upon the point I have taken that guardian-

INDIANS IN THE INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE 491

ship for the past twelve yeais with no little anxiety to
myself, but 1 am glad to say that those young men have
behaved most admiiably, nevei having given me cause
to complain, and the chaiaotei Ijhat has been given of
them, whethei by the gentlemen with whom they have
lieen residing, or by the piofessois of their college, has
been tliat they have been very steady and veiy good
But in this vay we cannot get the hesl talent Theie-
fore I hope that it will not be consideied by the
Association that I have biought foiwaid this question
inoonsideiately and immaturely I do not see the ne-
cessity of troubling a Committee to go into it again
Heie I have my proposal in some detail — " Bust exami-
nation for the Civil Service of India, to be held in India ”
(I would be satisfied even with a few to begin with , L
suggest five ) “ ifive candidates shall bo selected eveiy
yeai as follows — 2 fiom Bengal, 1 fiom Bombay, 1 from
Madias, 1 fiom the Noith-WestPiovincesandthe Pun-
jab The examination shall be held in each of the above
teriitories, imdei themstiuction of the local government,
in the subjects, and according to the lulea adopted from
time to time by the Civil Seivice Commissioneis for tlie
first competition exahimation in England The highest
in rank shall lie deemed to be selected candidates foL
the civil seivice of India The selected candidates shall,
within three months of the announcement of the result
of the examination, pioceed to England, and the local
goveinmont shall pay the passage money After ai rival
in England these selected candidates shall be subject to
the lules and terms for the subsequent ‘fuithei exami-
nation,' etc , like the selected candidates of England." If
it is necessary foi a plan to be attached to the memo-
rial, heie IS one I admit the force of the lemaik made

402 DADADII'VI NV^UEOJI’S WRITINGS

1>^ Ml Hocig&on Piatfc, that meie education in colleges
and univeisities is not enough, that theie aie othei quah-
hcations neeesgaiy But though I do not agiee with
those who say that the education gnen in India does
not laise the moial as i\ell as the intellectual char*
actei of the pupil, still I puiposely make it essential that
those natives who aie selected fot the seivice should
comeovei to England foi those two yeais, m ordei that
thev may aoquue all the benefits in England winch Mr
Hodgson Pratt so ably desciibed As to the competi-
tive system, itinust he lecollected that it has been estab-
lished as being the best system that can be adopted foi
aiiiMug at the qualities and capabilities of a man If
the Council think that theie ought to be a standaid of
pioficienoy at the oai oi at ciicket, let them establish
such a standaid , I daiesay the natives of India would
ha quite piepaied to tiy a hand at howling oi at the
oai with the natues of England , only, let eveiy one
he put on an equal footing We no longei select men
foi the service m India accoidingto the sjstem of pati on-
age , we know how that system worked in foimei times —
how proprietors loined together to get then nephews
in I do not lefei to past giiovances, let the past bq
the past, we liave enough to he thankful foi , we select
om best men in the best way m oia power, by a
competitne examination, and though, in a competition
of 200 for 50 oi GO situations, theie is some chance of
an incompetent man getting in, by ciamining oi by
some accident, still, wheie theie is a competition of 100
01 ’ 1,000 for only one or two places, the cliances aie
infinitesimally small that anybody who does not possess
the highest order of intalloet wall be able to take those
piizes I beg to submit to our President, with ver^

INDIANS IN THE INDIAN CIVIL SERA’ICB 493

gieat deforence, that the proposal I ha \0 made has been
carefully considered I have consulted se\eial gentlemen
who are deeply inteiested in the inattei, and I hope
oui noble President will support me in appioving of
this iiiemoiial, with the addition which Sn Ileiljeih
Bdwaides has made, to which I hare no ohicctioii , it
gives tlie meinoiial a wider scope, and meets the other
difficulty which oui noble President suggested as to the
expense It is desirable, instead of simplj allowing a
few young men to entei the Civil Service, that we
should also caii\ out a compiehensive principle ol
giving some oppoitunrtv to natives of enter ing upon
other independent depaitments I full> agiee that the
assistance pioposed by Sii Heiheit Edwatdes’ amend-
ment should he held out to the youths of India, we
want the best talent of the couutiy biought here,
theiefoie, I propose that Sir HeilieitEdw'aides’ addition
should be embodied nr the monioiial Oui noble
President has said that tins menioiial does not piopeil>
come within the province of this Association With
eveiy deteience, I beg to differ from his Loiclship The
very basis upon which this institution has been foimed
la, as expiessed by tlie second rule, the piomotion, h\
all legitimate means, of the interests and welfaie of
India generally It the obiect and puipose of the
x\8Sociation is simply to supph infoimation, I do not
.see that the Association can do any vei;, gieat good
but if the Association takes up one suhiect aftei anothei ,
considerately and carefully, as oru noble Piesident
suggests, and does actual practical good to the various
mteiests of India, the Association then will hare fulfilled
its mission of bunging India and England together,
doing justice to India, rnfolming the people of this

494 bVDVBlIM N\OaoJl’S WBITINGS

counfciy of all that is neoossaiy Lo be known by them
in 1 elation to Indian matteis, and sussesting to them
\\hat they, in the situation in which Piovidenco has
placed them, as luleis of India, ought to do towaids
India If the Association has not been foimod to attain
those obioots, I do not see what good it can do We
inaj lead papeis heie and haie a pleasant discussion on
them, and go away with the feeling that we have had
a \eiy successful meeting, but if we aie to end theie,
what good shall we have done ? What is the object of
all oiu discussion ? It is to take such pi actical steps
as way influence the people of this countiy, and as may
influence the Government to lectify e\istmg evils, the
rectifying of which would have the effect of consolidating
the Biitish Eiile m India, to the gieat lieneSt of both
Englancl'and India

B.

CrBNTLBMEN, — Sluce oul deputation waited on the
Secietaiy of State foi India with the Memorial t le-
lative to the Indian Oivil Service, I hnd seveial objec-
tions uiged fiom different quaiters , and, as I see that
Ml Fawcett is going to move a Resolution, 1 beg to sub-
mit for yoiu conaideiation my views on those objections
They aie, as fai as I have met with, pimoipaliy these —

1 That the natives are not fit, on account of their
dofioient ability, integiity, and physical powei and energy

2 That Euiopeans would not like to seivo under
natives

3 That native olhcials aie not much respected liy
the natives, and that when a native is placed in any
position of eminence, his fellow-countrymen all aiouncl
him aie ready to backbite and slander him

4 That natives look too much to Go\oinment em-
ployment, and do not show sufUcient independence of
character to strike out for themselves other paths of life

5 That though natives may prove good subordi-
nates, they are not fit to be placed at the head of any
department

G That natives who seek for admission into the
Civil Service should be Anghcisod

7 That natives ought not to be put in positrons of
power

8 That the places obtained h> the natives will be

so many lost to the English people

* Paper lead betoie a meeting of the hlnst India Associa-
tion, London, Ihiday, April 17th, 1S6S E E Eaatniok, Esij
c B , F R s., in the Chau,

I Appendix B.

49G DADVt.HAI NAOROJI’S WRITINGS

9 That natives aie alieady laigely employed

To a^oid confusion I give lieioaftei the loplies to
these obiections eepaiately, but it is necessai> to guard
against being diawn into a discussion of these obiections,
an